Nassim Nicholas Taleb wants to end bonuses at systemically important major financial institutions:
Any person who works for a company that, regardless of its current financial health, would require a taxpayer-financed bailout if it failed should not get a bonus, ever. In fact, all pay at systemically important financial institutions — big banks, but also some insurance companies and even huge hedge funds — should be strictly regulated.
Taleb believes that this will yield a safer, more stable financial system:
Banning bonuses addresses the principal-agent problem in economics: the separation between an agent’s interests and those of the client, or principal, he is supposed to represent. The potency of my solution lies in the idea that people do not consciously wish to harm themselves; I feel much safer on a plane because the pilot, and not a drone, is at the controls. Similarly, cooks should taste their own cooking; engineers should stand under the bridges they have designed when the bridges are tested; the captain should be the last to leave the ship. The Romans even figured out how to deter cowardice that causes the death of others with the technique called decimation: If a legion lost a battle and there was suspicion of cowardice, 10 percent of the soldiers and commanders — usually chosen at random — were put to death.
No such pain faces bailed-out, bonus-taking bankers. The period from 2000 to 2008 saw a very large accumulation of hidden exposures in the financial system. And yet the year 2010 brought the largest bank compensation in history. It has become clear that merely “clawing back” past bonuses after the fact is not enough. Supervision, regulation and other forms of monitoring are necessary, but insufficient — consider that the Federal Reserve insisted, as late as 2007, that the rapidly escalating subprime mortgage crisis was likely to be “contained.”
What would banking look like if bonuses were eliminated? It would not be too different from what it was like when I was a bank intern in the 1980s, before the wave of deregulation that culminated in the 1999 repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, the Depression-era law that had separated investment and commercial banking. Before then, bankers and lenders were boring “lifers.” Banking was bland and predictable; the chairman’s income was less than that of today’s junior trader. Investment banks, which paid bonuses and weren’t allowed to lend, were partnerships with skin in the game, not gamblers playing with other people’s money. [Emphasis added]
My guess is that this op-ed will make Taleb an even more popular man than he already is — banning bonuses is likely to be very popular, particularly with near-rich people who compete for positional goods with bankers. And Taleb makes a number of good points, e.g., regarding the asymmetric nature of the bonus (a carrot if you do well but a lack of a corresponding stick). My problem with Taleb’s proposal is that it attacks the problem of financial instability at the wrong level. Later he writes:
I believe that “less is more” — simple heuristics are necessary for complex problems. So instead of thousands of pages of regulation, we should enforce a basic principle: Bonuses and bailouts should never mix.
First of all, there is no way that this will prove a simple measure. In lieu of a bonus, might I give a banker a “raise” in her base pay the following year? Or can I give her a “promotion” that comes with an increase in the value of her health benefits? Lavish corporate facilities might be built to cater to employees who achieve certain performance targets. There are many ways to get around Taleb’s simple rule.
Others favor asset limits on banks. I’ve made favorable remarks about this approach in the past. The problem is that asset size limits might encourage financial entities to conceal assets from regulators.
If we want to discourage excessive risk-taking, why don’t we simply eliminate or, failing that, pare back deposit insurance? Raghuram Rajan has made the case effectively:
Deposit insurance does help keep small, undiversified banks in business. To the extent that these small banks are important in making loans in the local community—to the local bakery or toy shop—they have some economic and social value. One possibility is to retain deposit insurance for small and medium-sized banks in return for their paying a fair insurance premium, but to reduce it progressively for larger banks until it is eliminated.
Clearly, if banks are seen as too big to fail, eliminating deposit insurance is moot, as the bank will be bailed out anyway. The United Kingdom deposit insurance system, which was partial, did not prevent Northern Rock from getting into trouble or the government from coming to the rescue. The point of eliminating deposit insurance, however, is to make depositors think before they make a bank too big. Unlike depositors in the United Kingdom (where all bank deposits were partially insured, and therefore depositing in a large bank was significantly safer), depositors in large banks under my proposal would have the choice between being fully insured in a small bank and largely uninsured in a large bank. Such a measure would place some constraints on the growth of seriously mismanaged larger banks while also leveling the playing field.
One of the central appeals of this approach is that it encourages large depositors to take a more active role. There will be a flight from risky banks to less-risky banks, a market discipline that might lead banks to abandon large bonuses on their own.
End deposit insurance: a simple heuristic for a complex problem. Taleb of all people should appreciate that we need firms to have the freedom to pursue a variety of different organizational strategies to survive and flourish. If the problem is excessive risk-taking, and I think it may well be, deposit insurance pours fuel on the fire. Eliminate it for large financial institutions and the competition won’t be over which can make the biggest bets, but rather which can attract the most depositors by being as stodgy and risk-averse as possible. The bonus “problem” will solve itself.
First of all responsibility for words has to come back to society. And economists if ever try to speak reasonably MUST speak as people of the reason instead FED-style statements mumble-bamble. Simply statement that with probability of 70% and with confidence level of 95% FED predict that inflation would be next year below 3% will put at least some credibility because it could be verified within couple of years. And if others start to publish their predictions than after few years customer can clearly start to see pattern of real and false prophets. Right now all of them are in monkey business area. This would be very good way to select true experts to FED out of all economy PhD's.
Reply to this commentLinkReport AbuseI'm a bit confused why you think that eliminating deposit insurance will lead to depositors taking a more active role in overseeing bank activities. Unless there is a change in the nature of bank governance, depositors will only have the one tool they have now: voting with their feet. And, as the experience of the past 3 years have shown, that's not very effective for several reasons. The first is that a single depositor, even a very large one, has limited influence on the bank. Customers would have to try to work together to effect change, but this is unlikely given the problems of coordination.
Second, we have numerous examples of customers with non-insured investments giving very, very little oversight to how their money is invested. A ponzi scheme is a perfect example: a smart investor should know that returns like Maddof was giving were too good to be true. But, good returns make people complacent. People are truly, truly terrible at judging risk when the costs of that risk are unknown and the rewards for staying with an investment are known. Behavioural economists and economic psychologists have been writing about the problems of myopia for years now.
Finally, the entire point of deposit insurance is prevent bank runs. That's it. Any regulatory effect is a nice bonus. It was amazing that in the midst of the absolute worst of the crisis, there were no bank runs. No riots in banks as people fought to get their money out, no need for impassioned "It's a Wonderful Life" type speechs about banks. That stability is a necessity in a crisis. Sure, I'd agree with you if you called for the FDIC to reduce their limits back to $100,000 or $200,000, but I see deposit insurance as one of the key corner stones to basic financial stability in the modern world.
Reply to this commentLinkReport AbuseI'd propose that deposit insurance for large institutions be reduced, not eliminated. If my savings above $10k were insured for 95 cents on the dollar combined with frequent communication of the bank's condition, I would have an incentive to move money out of a relatively risky bank into a safer one, but the insurance would be sufficient to prevent panic moves to safety. If monthly statements from banks had to tell depositors the relative risk they lose part of their deposits, the bank would have a strong incentive to avoid risky moves that would cause depositors to move their savings.
Reply to this commentLinkReport AbuseThe reason we have federal deposit insurance is that we know that if we don't, millions of Americans will be plunged into poverty when the bank in which they have almost all of their money fails.
Pretending that this won't happen is as silly now as it was in 1928. Banks will fail: when that occurs, people will lose their life's savings. And it will happen. Period.
We can modify deposit insurance in a variety of ways - I'm fully on board with that. But as a fundamental principle, if we don't have a way for people to keep money in an institution without having to worry about the soundness of that institution (because the Government, in return for providing some insurance, is worrying about the soundness of that institution), then we will encourage people to keep money at home (literally), will encourage people to run on the banks and will have to deal with the consequences of large bank failures.
It's going to be a heavy burden to persuade Americans to believe that "these things won't happen because...." and a heavier burden to persuade Americans to abandon federal deposit insurance - Americans, I think, are fully aware that they don't have the ability to determine the soundness of banks in which they deposit their money.
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