A Weak U.S.
The next president will have to get serious.


Conrad Black

All branches of government have sat as mute as unaerated puddings while the medical-care system achieved a per capita cost of $7,000, compared with $3,000 in Canada, Australia, France, Germany, Japan, and the United Kingdom, which have, on average, comparable or better medical care for their populations. In the U.S., 30 percent of the people, over 100 million Americans, have a level of care beneath the standard of an economically advanced country. All indications are that Obamacare will make this worse and not better.

Having mentioned it a number of times before in this space, I will confine my comments on the legal system to the notorious facts that the American legal cartel comprises approximately half the trained lawyers in the world, accounts for about 10 percent of U.S. GDP, and generally locks arms in support of a system that has the highest prosecution-success rate of any democracy and six to twelve times as many incarcerated people per capita as the sociologically comparable countries mentioned above. Neither incantations about exceptionalism nor piling prosecutors on prosecutors will address the real problem.

Free people get the government they deserve, and Americans deserve the poor government they have generally had for 20 or more years. While the branches of government are equal, the president is the head of the government, the chief of state, and in the words of the longest-serving occupant of the post, “the head of the American people.” The next president, it being too late for the incumbent to fill such a role, must announce that crises afflict the country — chronic indebtedness (the current projection of a $642 billion deficit is proclaimed as a triumph of frugality and revenant prosperity), uncompetitive education and health-care systems, and a justice system that is so out of control that 20 percent of adult Americans are technically felons — and then the president must propose a comprehensive plan of action and ask for public support and be prepared to compromise reasonably with the other party, in the Congress and in the states.

The economic measures will have to encourage a revival of manufacturing, the reduction of the current-account deficit, accelerated energy self-sufficiency, discouragement of the depredations of the legal cartel, restraint on the service industries, and the creation of jobs that add value and do not just accelerate the velocity of money in inconsequential transactions.

Also on June 1, the Wall Street Journal editorialized that the Obama administration appears to favor the Assad government in the Syrian civil war, although it still gives lip service to the desirability of Assad’s departure. There is no need to recite the dismal sequence of official humbug on this issue, starting with Hillary Clinton’s lionization of Assad the “reformer.” Assad has prostrated his country, with greater servility than ever, before Iran, and he has gassed his own population, yet there is no American Mideast policy that can be divined in the platitudes and U-turns and dissembling of the president and his servitors. But that is not as irritating as the pretense that there is such a policy. It may be the downside of America’s legendary optimism that most Americans fail to see how hollow and redundant such pretenses have become.

The “reset” button with Russia has emboldened the Kremlin to encourage Iran’s nuclear capability and to salvage the Assad satrapy in Damascus. At least the Kremlin knows what it’s doing: A nuclear Iran may drive the Asian former republics of the USSR somewhat back into the arms of the Russians, and influence over Syria will give the Kremlin a renewed place in the Middle East, especially as the U.S. has almost completely abdicated there and is seen as a friend of Israel only by that country’s enemies. Even Zbigniew Brzezinski, the only serious foreign-policy person in the Carter administration, called in Time magazine last week for an attempted agreement with Russia and China on a common front for the Middle East. In America’s present palsied state, however, those powers would not agree with it even that the earth is not flat.

The United States is not the sick man of the West; Germany and Canada are the only large countries in the West that are not sick. The Chinese, who have their own problems, are fortunately long-term thinkers and assume that the Americans will emerge from their torpor eventually. The U.S. is not circling the drain, but, to borrow the words of General de Gaulle, it is “crossing the desert.” Great Powers do, but they get to the other side.

— Conrad Black is the author of Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom, Richard M. Nixon: A Life in Full, A Matter of Principle, and the recently published Flight of the Eagle: The Grand Strategies That Brought America from Colonial Dependence to World Leadership. He can be reached at [email protected].



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