Before I first visited Russia, I took it for granted that Russians were grateful for the collapse of Communism. In fact, for most Russians this simply isn’t the case. The vast majority of Russians living today are Soviet-born and Soviet-educated, and among them nostalgia for the Soviet Union and burning resentment at the loss of superpower status are powerful. Even young Russians, who may care nothing for Marxism-Leninism, envy their parents for having lived in a superpower that made the world tremble. The cult of the Great Patriotic War is recalcitrant. It’s the greatest single obstacle to Russian democracy. In the eyes of many Russians, Stalin’s cruelty was vindicated, or at least rendered irrelevant, by his leadership in the war, which gave collectivism and authoritarianism a saving veneer of heroism and nobility in the Russian psyche. “No matter how bad Stalin may have been,” a student in Chelyabinsk told me, “we don’t forget that it was under his leadership that we defeated the enemy, saving Europe’s a** in the process, and probably America’s, too.” Russians take macabre, gruesome pride in their 20 million casualties in that war but are largely unaware that many of those deaths resulted from Stalin’s stubbornness, incompetence, and merciless disregard for the lives of his own people, soldiers and civilians alike.
Pessimism about Putin’s Russia has made people yearn all the more for the bad old days. Putin has been known to praise Stalin’s leadership, but that’s not the only way he has helped rehabilitate the infamous Georgian. “These are the worst days in Russia’s history,” a Nizhny Tagil woman in her 20s told me. “Things were better under Stalin. People had everything. The only thing was, if you spoke out, they killed you.”
Many Russians suffer from Holocaust envy. Why all the fuss about 6 million Jews, the reasoning goes, when over three times as many Russians lost their lives to fascism? Explaining this alleged injustice of historical memory, an old Muscovite pointed out to me that 1 million perished in the siege of Leningrad alone, presumably making the death camps small fry. Perversely, many Russians seem to think that their triumph over fascism entitles them to imitate fascism. I asked a college student if he would support a politician who wanted to gas Central Asians and Caucasians. He said yes. I’ll grant him the benefit of the doubt as to whether he was serious.
Such disregard for the lives of “others” is not unusual. “Why should we care what Assad uses our weapons for?” shrugged an old man in St. Petersburg. “America has bases all over the world — we need to keep Tartus at any cost.” Even nonconformist Russians think in nationalist, great-power terms. This man was a Pentecostal and thus, in the eyes of most of his compatriots, an apostate and cult member. Nevertheless, he was staunchly anti-American and pro-Putin.
I took a train trip to Kislovodsk with a fascinating old-timer who had spent his life in and out of reformatories and prisons. His major crimes: first being the grandson of a kulak, then being unemployed (known in the Soviet legal code as parasitism). He was an anti-Semitic populist who believed both the American and Russian governments were the dutiful servants of a global cabal of warmongers, though the American government was the chief offender. “They’ve started wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and it looks like they’re about to start one in Syria.” This was a curious and flippant assumption, considering that the Syrian civil war had been raging for well over a year. Apparently deaths in the Third World count only when the West is involved.
So much criticism of Russia necessitates a measure of criticism of America. I have flown in to Washington, D.C., New York, and Salt Lake City on the way back from Russia, and each time I found myself interrogated by our customs agents, who were no doubt merely doing what their job required. “Why did you go to Russia? Who do you know there? How do you know the language? Did you see Snowden? What do you do for a living? So you say you just graduated from college — which one?” The implication that I was a traitor was a painful blow, considering the multiple occasions I had defended America’s name while in Russia. I doubt that this process thwarts many Russian spies, and it raises the question of why we allow Russian consulates to issue tourist visas to Americans in the first place. I could be wrong, but I somehow doubt that Americans arriving from China, our great trade and business partner, are treated with such suspicion.
— Cody Boutilier is a graduate of the University of California at Berkeley. He can be reached at [email protected].