The standard thing to say about the various Republican primaries this year is that the tea-party movement has lost one race after another. That’s a defensible conclusion but also an oversimplification.
I see more turbulence and undercurrents among Republican primary voters than usual. The evidence is that incumbents — both those the mainstream media call tea-partiers and those they call the party establishment — have been prevailing by tenuous margins in primaries that in the pre-tea-party years would almost certainly not have been seriously contested.
Wolf, a second cousin of President Obama, made much of the fact that Roberts maintains only a nominal residence in the state. But the doctor was hurt when it was revealed that he circulated X-rays of wounded patients with macabre comments.
Roberts, perhaps awakened by the near-defeat of fellow septuagenarian and longtime incumbent Thad Cochran in Mississippi, worked hard in affluent Johnson County, just outside Kansas City, which casts one-fifth of the primary vote. He held Wolf to a 107-vote margin there and carried 92 of the other 104 counties.
This is the latest chapter in a long-simmering intra-party fight between conservatives and moderates. Brownback prevailed, but by a margin that suggests problems in November.
Kansas also saw serious challenges of incumbents in two of its four congressional districts. In the first district, Tim Huelskamp, a frequent rebel against the House Republican leadership, won, but by only 54 percent to 46 percent.
There was a clearer verdict in the Wichita-centered fourth district, where incumbent Mike Pompeo led his predecessor, Tom Tiahrt, by 63 percent to 37 percent.
Tiahrt ran as a champion of earmarks, arguing they were necessary to help Wichita’s troubled private-plane industry. Pompeo pledged no earmarks, and various conservative groups supported each candidate.
The lesson from these results: Many Republicans are skittish about backbench rebellions of the sort that produced the government shutdown and hurt the party in the polls; many more are pleased to see earmarks go, even when they arguably help the local community.
Michigan had significant Republican primaries in six congressional districts. House Energy and Commerce chairman Fred Upton, who has faced conservative challenges before, won with 71 percent in the sixth district.
In the fourth district, John Molenaar, endorsed by incumbent retiring Ways and Means Committee chairman Dave Camp, beat self-funding businessman Paul Mitchell by 52 percent to 36 percent. In the eighth district, vacated by House Intelligence Committee chairman Mike Rogers, moderate Mike Bishop beat tea-party-identified Tom McMillin, 60 percent to 40 percent.
You could chalk these up as establishment victories. But don’t count business-supported Dave Trott’s 66 percent to 34 percent pounding of incumbent reindeer farmer and Santa Claus impersonator Kerry Bentivolio in the eleventh district. He was a fluke winner two years ago and didn’t put up much of a fight this time. And conservative incumbents in the first and seventh districts won with 70 percent of the vote or more.
In the Grand Rapids third district, local and national business groups spent big money on challenger Brian Ellis. But he failed to oust incumbent Justin Amash, who makes a practice of tweeting his reasons for his votes, often against the party leadership, on every roll call.
On foreign policy, Amash takes a stand much like Senator Rand Paul’s, and he recently voted against funding Israel’s Iron Dome missile-defense system. He won by 57 percent to 43 percent, a decisive margin but no landslide for an incumbent in a primary — and he characteristically refused to take his opponent’s congratulatory phone call.
Republican-primary turnout continues to be more robust than Democratic turnout, a good omen for the party in November. And Republican-primary voters seem reluctant to vote for firebrands who lose general elections or provoke government shutdowns.
But they are also more open to questioning incumbents. It’s as if they are seeking a way forward to policies with voter appeal, with no clear idea of how to get there.
— Michael Barone is senior political analyst for the Washington Examiner. © 2014 The Washington Examiner. Distributed by Creators.com