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Obama’s Big-Labor Ethics Loophole
A former SEIU lawyer is now ruling on SEIU-related cases.


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Michelle Malkin

Everything you need to know about President Obama’s fraudulent ethics pledge can be summed up in four words: SEIU lawyer Craig Becker.

Becker is the left-wing lawyer Obama sneakily installed on the National Labor Relations Board. The U.S. Senate declined to confirm Becker’s nomination on a 52€’33 cloture vote in February. Obama responded by flipping senators the bird and ramming through his recess appointment during the congressional spring break. (The New York Times approvingly dubbed it a “muscular show of his executive authority.” When that authority was exercised by GOP president George W. Bush, of course, the Times editorial board called it a “constitutional gimmick.”)

Despite the White House’s much-heralded policy of binding every executive appointee to strict conflict-of-interest guidelines, a defiant Becker now remains free to rule on cases involving his former Big Labor bosses. And the most ethical administration in U.S. history isn’t doing a thing to stop him.

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While serving as an associate general counsel for both the SEIU and the AFL-CIO in 2009, Becker generously lent his legal expertise to the White House. He served as an Obama transition-team member for labor issues and helped draft several union-backed executive orders.

These new rules essentially blackball non-union contractors targeted by labor organizers (and blacklist non-union employees in the private sector) from working on taxpayer-funded projects. Another union-protectionist measure immediately adopted by Obama requires that when a government service contract runs out — and there’s a new contract to perform the same services at the same location — the new contractor must retain the old workers. Such regulatory favoritism limits freedom in the workplace and raises the cost of doing business. This suits Becker and his White House champions (who reaped $60 million in SEIU campaign donations and support in 2008) just fine.

Becker’s anti-business views date back to his days as a UCLA professor, when he argued that unions should not be subject to the same rules of democracy and fair elections as everyone else. He favors radical rewriting of union-organizing rules and elimination of the secret-ballot process by administrative fiat.



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