If revenge is a dish best served cold, the pharmaceutical industry may soon be experiencing a Siberian winter. Reports on Capitol Hill indicate that during debt-ceiling talks with the White House, some congressional Republicans are offering to institute Medicare Part D rebates as a way to raise revenue. These would hit the pharmaceutical industry hard — and as satisfying as that would be for the GOP, they should be opposed on solidly conservative grounds.
A drug rebate is a discount given to an insurer that, rather than being offered up front, is paid by the drug company after the patient buys medicine at a pharmacy. Government-imposed rebates are nothing more than price controls — a way to reduce the cost of government-run insurance at the expense of drug manufacturers. But since the rebates will be paid to the government after the fact, rather than reducing the amount the government spends in the first place (as would be true with straightforward price controls), these Republicans think they should count as “revenue.” Supposedly, this would provide a counterargument to the White House complaint that Republicans are inflexible on revenue and want to rely solely on spending cuts to balance the budget. According to the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), the rebates being discussed would amount to $112 billion over ten years.
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Medicaid already has price controls via rebates; whenever a Medicaid patient buys a covered drug, the manufacturer has to pay the government at minimum 23 percent of the commercial wholesale price. The GOP proposal, initially floated by the CBO, would bring similar controls to Medicare, imposing them on medicines provided to Part D’s low-income subsidy (LIS) population. Because the LIS population represents 40 percent of Part D enrollees and more than 50 percent of Part D spending, this proposal would slap price controls onto half the Part D program.
Republicans rarely embrace price controls, but their apostasy in this case is understandable. During the first part of 2009, Obamacare seemed on the verge of collapse. Then, that summer, the pharmaceutical industry marched into the White House and cut the infamous “deal”: Drug companies would support Obamacare in return for the White House’s promise to oppose price controls in Part D.
Ironically, the law they supported established the Medicaid rebates that are now serving as a template for Part D rebates. The industry did not seem to understand how attractive a 23 percent discount on drugs is, and how tempting it would be for the government to extend the rebates to Part D.
Arguably, the industry’s dramatic and surprising support for the White House was the single most important event in reversing the declining fortunes of Obamacare; it drove a wedge through the opposition, cut the legs out from under the GOP, and sent other sectors of the health-care market racing to the White House to cut their own deals.
But while GOP antipathy to the pharmaceutical industry is understandable, Republicans should take a step back before they align themselves with a price-controlled vision for the Part D program. There are several very strong reasons to oppose the application of price controls to Part D.
First, House Republicans need to recognize that price controls in Part D would be a repudiation of Paul Ryan’s Medicare reforms. Ryan modeled his reforms on the Part D program, where private plans deliver benefits and manage costs. The Part D program has been far less expensive than early CBO estimates predicted, largely because of the success of the private sector in lowering costs while maintaining satisfactory benefit levels. Embracing government price controls as the primary lever to control costs would repudiate the philosophical foundations of the Ryan plan.
Second, the GOP should consider what a devastating impact such price controls will have upon an industry that is shedding jobs at an alarming rate. The pharmaceutical industry conceded $80 billion in revenue during the Obamacare negotiations. Requiring another $112 billion in price concessions would mean that the federal government will take $192 billion out of the industry over the next ten years. According to a recent employment survey, during 2010 no private-industry sector shed more jobs than the pharmaceutical industry did: 37,000. These job losses are due to a number of factors, but primarily to an unprecedented “patent cliff”; during the 2009–13 period, it is estimated that the industry will lose $137 billion in revenue due to patent expirations. Price controls in Part D will, without a doubt, accelerate job losses in this already struggling industry.
While this machination will surely drive some "costs" down, we need to remember that Congress has started to close the donut-hole. This will undoubtedly counter-act the downward trajectory of overall expenses as recipients will be responsible for less and less out-of-pocket costs for their medicine. They "give" on one hand and take away with the other.
If the RINOs attempt to dress up this lib-progressive pig and in so doing rationalize their support then they must be held accountable...vote them out of office!!!
Let me start by saying that economics is not remotely close to my strong suit. However, I don't follow the argument that price controls are bad. If the government is going to be the biggest consumer of a product, why should they not seek to exert control over the price? If anything, it seems to me that price controls would be the procurement equivalent of limits on bargaining with public sector labor. By that, I mean that if we don't control prices, we have a non-competitive market where the purchasor of the product is willing to pay more for future consideration in the form of campaign contributions. How is this any different than public sector labor negotiations between one party that has political clout and another that wants it spent in its favor? The fundamental primary requirement for a market-based solution is that the market pits competing interests against each other. With the government the primary consumer, but beholden to the political power of the industry, there is no real adversarial position. Just like labor relations in the public sector, where the state officials pander to the unions for political power in exchange for writing checks the states literally cannot cash.
Ideally, there would be no government involvement in medical care at all. But if there is going to be, then let's take the power to negotiate prices out of the hands of those with no vision other than retaining their position.
Republicans seem to have a history of getting mugged by an industry, as in the Obamacare debacle, then "doing the right thing" the next time they meet. Medicare is a huge customer. When you are in business, you need to be conscious of your customer's desires and try to meet them. Obamacare is the enemy of Medicare as we know it. Driving a hard bargain seems to be the order of the day, just to remind the big pharma industry about how things work. At least in Washington.