Gingrich and the Red Card
A proposed policy would let companies bring in foreign workers.


Katrina Trinko

“Immigrants are coming here first and foremost for economic reasons, to take jobs that Americans don’t want or that there are no Americans to fill,” Aguilar adds, arguing that it will boost the economy if American companies that cannot find American workers to do certain jobs are able to hire workers from abroad.

Mark Krikorian, executive director of the “low-immigration, pro-immigrant” Center for Immigration Studies, doesn’t see the red-card program as a credible solution to the immigration problem. “Temporary-worker programs never work,” he says. “Anywhere. Ever. They always lead to high levels of permanent immigration.” Another issue is their impact on American innovation; Krikorian argues that when cheap labor is available, agricultural companies rely on that rather than purchase or develop technologies to get the work done more efficiently.

Furthermore, Krikorian is skeptical that the red-card program’s requirement that workers leave the country when they are no longer employed would be enforced. “If we’re not enforcing the law now, why does anybody imagine we’re going to enforce the law in the future?” he asks. “Show me the enforcement first.”

He also notes that as long as America has birthright citizenship — the policy of giving citizenship to the American-born children of illegal immigrants, based on the Fourteenth Amendment’s decree that “persons born . . . in the United States” are citizens — there will be problems when guest workers have children in the United States. While the Krieble Foundation opposes birthright citizenship, it would be an arduous task to change the status quo, requiring either a law (that could be overturned by the Supreme Court) or a constitutional amendment.

Regarding the argument that temporary workers disproportionately use government-funded services such as schools and medical care, the red-card policy proposes that these workers’ Social Security taxes be redirected to state governments to offset the costs. Non-citizen workers do not receive benefits from Social Security, so it makes sense not to make them contribute to the program, but it’s not clear whether these funds would be enough to recoup the costs incurred by state governments.

A May poll commissioned by the Latino Partnership and conducted by the Tarrance Group suggests that Republican voters are more open to something along the lines of the red-card policy than the initial reaction to Gingrich’s remarks suggests. Fifty-six percent of likely Republican-primary voters supported an immigration plan that included investing resources in securing the border and creating a temporary-worker program designed for those who want to come in and out of the country to work; 39 percent opposed such a policy.

Aguilar also thinks that the Republican candidates, particularly Mitt Romney, might do well to consider more the impact of their immigration positions and rhetoric in the general election. “The problem with the negative narrative on immigration is that if you become the nominee, then you’re going to have a hard time getting enough Latino voter support to win the election,” Aguilar warns.

— Katrina Trinko is an NRO reporter.


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