Google+
Close
Practice Makes Perfect
The way to heaven.


Text  


Practicing Catholic: Essays Historical, Literary, Sporting, and Elegiac is a feast. It’s a new collection by George Weigel, a leading writer on Catholic, cultural, and political matters of recent decades. It is a treasure trove of good language, penetrating insights, and the challenging and consoling vision that true hope reveals. It provides a contemporary look into the love that a truly Catholic life can make manifest: the mercy of God and even joyful foretastes of heaven itself. The social doctrine of the Catholic Church, “particularly as articulated by John Paul II, can give a more compelling account of the free and virtuous society than anything on offer in a standard Ivy League school’s government department,” writes Weigel in Practicing Catholic. “And the attraction that many evangelical intellectuals feel for that social doctrine suggests that the story of religiously informed moral argument in American public life is not over, but is in fact heading into a new, more robust phase, in which classic Christianity versus neopaganism, rather than Catholic versus Protestant, is the crucial fault line,” he continues.

Weigel gives a taste of the collection — which includes the longest essay the papal biographer has ever written, on baseball — in an interview with National Review Online’s Kathryn Jean Lopez.

Advertisement


KATHRYN JEAN LOPEZ: Did Camelot ultimately beget gay marriage and the HHS mandate?

GEORGE WEIGEL: Let’s not give the “Camelot” myth too much credit. But I would say that the Kennedy mythology, which glamorized and romanticized liberalism while identifying liberals as the party of reason and soldering the mainstream media to an increasingly left-leaning Democratic party, helped soften up the cultural ground for the triumph of the sexual revolution, which is the true progenitor (or should I say “progenitrix”) of gay “marriage” and the HHS mandate. Of course, as I noted in the essay dealing with all this, there was more than a little irony here, as JFK’s liberalism, such as it was, was of a very pragmatic/rationalist sort; if you doubt that, read his 1962 Yale commencement address.


LOPEZ: How was
Griswold v. Connecticut “the Pearl Harbor of the American culture war”? And why should anyone who is not a “Taliban Catholic,” as they say, care about a ruling on contraception that is now more than five decades old?

WEIGEL: I of course defer to my colleague Ed Whelan on matters constitutional, but it does seem fairly clear, even to the untutored, that Griswold begat Eisenstadt which begat Roe v. Wade, which eliminated all abortion law in the 50 states, thus igniting the American culture war as it might not have been ignited had the abortion debate played itself out in the states. By nationalizing the abortion issue, Roe, the spawn of Griswold, intensified by orders of magnitude the passions engaged. And while I leave it to the constitutional scholars to connect the dots fully, it does not seem unlikely to me that Justices Brennan and Douglas (not to mention the plaintiffs) had something like Roe in mind when they concocted Griswold.


LOPEZ: Isn’t the toothpaste out of the tube at this point, though? “Privacy” is the buzzword, even as we seem to put a whole lot on display, don’t we?

WEIGEL: “Privacy” is a buzzword, and is too often thought to be a political argument-settler, because too many pro-life politicians haven’t learned to speak about the issue in terms of justice, the limits of state power, and the moral imperative to provide alternatives other than abortion to women in crisis pregnancies. This is really appalling, after 40 years. And so the campaign consultants advise candidates to flee the issue rather than engage it.


LOPEZ: Are we still living with the consequences of the Tet offensive, and what can be done about it?

WEIGEL: We’re still living with Tet insofar as the Left’s master narrative of Vietnam remains set in concrete in the media and in liberal academia. And that’s an impediment to clear thinking about far more difficult situations, such as the war against al-Qaeda and its affiliates and allies, which is by no means over, inaugural addresses and “What difference does it make?” insouciance notwithstanding.


LOPEZ: What do you have against Earth Day?

WEIGEL: I’m generally against pantheism, and what the first “Earth Day” set in motion was the transformation of the environmental movement from a conservation movement (which any reasonable person could and should support) to what is now an increasingly irrational cult, impervious to either the reality of trade-offs in public policy or (if I may quote President Obama and Al Gore) “the science.”


LOPEZ: “Will only a renewal of the idea of freedom for excellence — freedom tethered to moral truth and ordered to goodness — see us through the political and cultural whitewater of the early twenty-first century?” If so, how do we do that — beyond essays on NRO?

Weigel: It will happen in schools and in homeschooling. It will happen in the military, unless that admirable American institution becomes, post-Obama, so completely PC that it no longer helps transmit the virtues that allow us to live freedom for excellence. It will happen when the Catholic Church fully rediscovers its moral-theological heritage and begins to preach and teach that. It will happen when my evangelical Protestant friends discover Thomas Aquinas and his modern interpreters. And, of course, it will continue to happen in essays on NRO!


LOPEZ: If the 2008 presidential election “did not mark an unmistakable turning point in American public life,” did the 2012 one?

WEIGEL: The turning point may in fact have been earlier, in 1992 or 1996. Knowing what they did about the character of Bill Clinton, the American people chose him anyway — and then reelected him. In retrospect, if one is in Spengler mode, those were two appalling choices, the post-Clinton mythology about this politically masterful and successful president notwithstanding.



Text