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Liberating the Internet
Picking telecom sides.

By Stephen Moore, president of the Club for Growth
February 27, 2002 8:45 a.m.

 

he big vote on telecom deregulation in the U.S. House ("Tauzin-Dingell") happens today or tomorrow.

In this heavyweight prizefight among huge corporate interests, there are no angels on either side. It's easy to hate your local phone-company monopoly every time you get your phone bill. And AT&T has a dreadful record of supporting free-market deregulatory policies in telecom and in economic policy generally. (AT&T has consistently had the most left-wing corporate foundation giving of any major Fortune 500 company.) This is like the Iran-Iraq war. It's hard to root for either side.

But this is a hugely important economic issue — and has enormous potential gains for the U.S. economy if we can just get broadband policy right. No industry needs more intelligent help than the embattled telecommunications sector, where profits and investment spending have vaporized.

So who is right in this fight, AT&T or the baby bells?

The bells are and here's why. If approved, the Tauzin-Dingell bill has the potential over the next decade to bring high-speed web service to nearly every U.S. home.

Broadband service is the lightning-quick Internet technology that will bring to Americans the next generation of web services. This technology could possibly transform the web from a device for exchanging e-mail and checking stocks into a tool that will link all businesses in an e-commerce web, allow users to quickly download video or music on demand, and give rise to products and applications we only dream of today.

Economist Robert Crandall of the Brookings Institution, and a top deregulation scholar, calculates that if we can accelerate broadband deployment, the value to the U.S. economy could reach $500 billion a year.

That's more than the entire economies of most nations.

Very few actions that Congress could take — short of scrapping the income tax for a consumption tax or privatizing Social Security — could deliver those sized benefits to workers and consumers.

Today, eight of ten homes and businesses still use clunky dial-up technology to access the web. Broadband technology is more than a decade old and still it's a rarity in most areas. This makes no sense: It's as if we're still playing phonographs or using rotary phones. A hallmark of the U.S. era of high-tech innovation has been to spread the technological breakthroughs to the great middle class in short order. But after a decade, few Americans are hooked up to broadband service.

Why the still-lingering digital divide between the information haves and have-nots? Because outdated government regulation is stifling the private-sector investment needed to build the network.

Technology analyst George Gilder argues that today's regulation "privatizes the risk and socializes the benefit." Here's how it works: When a phone company risks its own money to wire homes and businesses to broadband, the federal government forces it to open its network to competitors at money-losing, government-set rates. This prevents the original investors from capturing the full value of its risk-taking expenditures.

A predictable result was the collapse in telecom investment over the past 18 months. In 2001, telecom investment contracted by $75 billion, a 15% decline, according to NR's own Larry Kudlow. That's one of the biggest reasons why the telecom industry shed over 317,000 jobs last year — the largest job loss for any industry ever recorded in a single year.

By some estimates, it will cost telecom companies some $200 billion of added broadband investment to lay down the cables to bring this technology into most homes and businesses. How can this investment be accelerated? One answer is for Congress to allow businesses to write off their mega-investments the year they're made. But it must also create a fair-minded regulatory structure that allows those firms that make the investments to reap financial rewards. This means eliminating free-riding competitor access without fair payment.

What's the alternative to Tauzin-Dingell? Sen. Daschle wants tax credits, business subsidies, and a concoction of other corporate welfare giveaways. That's a recipe for destroying the industry, not for reviving it.

The Left talks a lot about closing the digital divide between the information haves and have-nots. This week Congress has an opportunity to do just that.

 
 

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