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on't
look now, but with the budget agreement reached this week, it now appears
that federal spending is going to end
up growing at about seven percent this year — or about twice the spending
rate under Bill Clinton. Good thing we've got Republicans in charge to
keep government as small and confined as possible.
George W. Bush started the budget process with a reasonable, but slightly
overweight budget. He called for four percent growth in spending. (Inflation,
correctly measured, is running at about maybe one percent.)
The budget deal struck this week between the Congress and the White House
ratchets that spending number up to near five percent. Some of this extra
spending, of course, was due to demands by those dirty-rotten-Democratic
spendaholics up on Capitol Hill. But a lot of it was a result of demands
by those no-good-spendaholic Republicans that seem to be dominating the
GOP agenda these days in Congress. Many Hill Republicans, who pontificate
against big government, were quietly breathing a sigh of relief over the
new inflated baseline in federal spending.
Now a five percent growth rate of the federal budget may not seem like
the end of the world — and it isn't. But here's the problem. We're not
even going to end up within spitting distance of five percent expenditure
growth. History teaches us that the spending levels set by the budget
resolution in the spring become floors on allowable expenditures. Once
the congressional appropriators start mending together the actual budget
bills, in the summer and fall spending inevitably gets ratcheted up.
My prediction of seven percent spending growth this year is based on several
fiscal reality checks. First, expect to see about $5 to $10 billion in
"emergency spending" for victims of drought, floods, hurricanes,
meteors, and the like. My estimate for emergency spending is conservative
and falls somewhat below than the average for the past four years.
The budget will grow faster this summer and fall than currently advertised
for two other reasons. First, Republicans will surely cave in to Democratic
demands for Medicare coverage of prescription drugs. Figure that will
add at the very least another $10 to $15 billion a year to spending. Second,
the Rumsfeld Commission on military restructuring will almost certainly
call for more dollars into the defense budget. I'll sidestep the issue
of whether the $300-billion-a-year Pentagon actually needs more money,
because that's beside the point. The point is there will be more money
for defense that isn't now accounted for in the current budget estimates.
Finally, there is our friend (or do I mean enemy?) the budget surplus.
This year's surplus is on tap to exceed $200 billion, depending on whether
Congress passes a $100 billion tax rebate. Regardless, we now know the
kind of pro-spending impulse that surpluses now elicit from members of
Congress in both parties. Put a fat budget surplus estimate in front of
appropriators and they start drooling uncontrollably like Pavlov's dog.
Now some in Washington are already making excuses for the coming shopping
spree. They say that some extra spending this year is justified to make
up for some years of excessively tight budgets. We need to start making
some "investments" in federal programs to make up for the years
of neglect. What neglect? Federal spending hasn't been held under tight
reigns in recent years. In fact, just the opposite is true. The federal
budget for discretionary spending has risen from $534 billion in 1996
to $646 billion this year. Nondefense discretionary spending has risen
by 25 percent over this five-year period.
The bottom line here is that someone has to start holding the line on
spending. If Republicans allow the budget to grow at twice the rate it
did under Clinton, many conservatives are going to start asking the legitimate
question: what are Republicans good for? Of course, if the GOP can deliver
the crown jewel of their economic program, the trillion-and-a-half-dollar
tax cut, this could excuse some excessive celebratory spending this year.
But a seven percent increase?
I've said it before, but it bears repeating: Washington already has one
party of big government. We surely don't need two.
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