Roe v. Wade and other pro-killer intrusions on representative government, Souter’s emergence, Kerry’s Davos-led filibuster, and Ginsburg’s loneliness:
Jan. 22 1973—For the second time in American history, the Supreme Court denies American citizens the authority to protect the basic rights of an entire class of human beings. In Roe v. Wade—the Dred Scott ruling of our age—Justice Blackmun’s majority opinion feigns not to “resolve the [purportedly] difficult question of when life begins,” but in fact rules illegitimate any legislative determination that unborn human beings are deserving of legal protection from abortion. Roe and Doe v. Bolton (decided the same day) impose on all Americans a radical regime of essentially unrestricted abortion throughout pregnancy, all the way (under the predominant reading of Doe) until birth.
Despite scathing criticism, including from supporters of abortion (see point 2 here), Roe’s lawless power grab continues to roil American politics by preventing Americans from working together, through an ongoing process of persuasion, to establish and revise abortion policies.
Jan. 23 1983—After telling his girlfriend that “we’re going to kill Charles,” William Wayne Thompson, age 15, and three older friends brutally murder his former brother-in-law, Charles Keene. After they beat Keene, Thompson shoots him in the head, cuts his throat and chest, attaches a chain and blocks to his body, and throws the corpse into a river “so the fish could eat his body.”
Some five years later, in Thompson v. Oklahoma, a four-Justice plurality (opinion by Justice Stevens, joined by Justices Brennan, Marshall, and Blackmun) imagines “evolving standards of decency” under the Eighth Amendment that (as Justice Scalia’s dissent aptly summarizes it) forbid the determination that any “criminal so much as one day under 16, after individuated consideration of his circumstances, including the overcoming of a presumption that he should not be tried as an adult, can possibly be deemed mature and responsible enough to be punished with death for any crime.” (As Scalia points out in a later dissent, the same folks who think that minors can’t possibly be mature enough to be held fully responsible for murders they commit insist that juveniles are mature enough to get an abortion without parental consent, but “[w]hether to obtain an abortion is surely a much more complex decision for a young person than whether to kill an innocent person in cold blood.”)
1992—In Hodges v. State, the Florida supreme court reviews the death sentence of a man who, on the morning that he was scheduled for a hearing on a charge of indecent exposure, shot to death the 20-year-old female clerk who had complained of his conduct. Chief justice Rosemary Barkett, in solo dissent from the court’s affirmance of the death sentence, opines that the two statutorily defined aggravating factors on which the death sentence had been based—witness elimination and a killing that was cold, calculated, and premeditated—were “so intertwined that they should be considered as one” and votes to vacate the death sentence. Her dissent makes no effort to distinguish her court’s own precedent that permitted aggravators to be counted separately where they relate to “separate analytical concepts.”
Despite—or, rather, because of—her stunningly terrible record as a judge, President Clinton nominates Barkett to the Eleventh Circuit in 1993, and, with overwhelming support from Senate Democrats (an “outstanding jurist,” quoth Teddy Kennedy), she is confirmed and appointed in 1994. She remains on the Eleventh Circuit, where she has continued her malfeasance.
Jan. 24 1990—President George H.W. Bush nominates New Hampshire supreme court justice David Hackett Souter to a seat on the First Circuit. In a tragic blunder, less than three months after Souter accepts his First Circuit appointment, President Bush nominates him to the Supreme Court vacancy resulting from Justice Brennan’s retirement. Deploying his full arsenal of clichés, Teddy Kennedy rails against Souter’s Supreme Court nomination. His efforts, alas, prove unsuccessful.
Jan. 26 2006—From the ski slopes of Davos, Switzerland, aristocrat and billionaire-by-marriage John Kerry panders to the faux-populist sentiment of the Left by calling for a filibuster of Supreme Court nominee Samuel Alito, who, Kerry fears, might actually believe that the Constitution leaves some important issues to the people to decide through their elected representatives.
2007—Continuing her practice of hiding behind sexist stereotypes when they suit her, Justice Ginsburg laments being “all alone on the court” a year after Justice O’Connor’s retirement, and she asserts that she and O’Connor “have certain sensitivities that our male colleagues lack.” Ginsburg garners the Weekly Standard’s sympathies.
Perhaps Ginsburg is just emoting publicly about how lonely she is. But it seems more sensible to read her comments as clamoring for the next Supreme Court appointment to be a woman or as criticizing the effect that Justice Alito’s replacement of O’Connor is having on pending cases. Neither would seem becoming of a justice.
For an explanation of this recurring feature, see here.