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Bench Memos

NRO’s home for judicial news and analysis.

A Replay of the Thomas or Bork Confirmation Fight?



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On OpinionJournal.com Manueal Miranda compares the fight over Judge Roberts to confirmation fights gone past:

John Roberts’s nomination looked at first more like the Thomas fight than the Bork one, with liberal complaints of a limited paper trail, efforts to invade his family’s privacy, and a dishonest attack by feminists. But 75,000 pages of documents later, liberals have as much to attack Judge Roberts on as they did Judge Bork. Targets of opportunity are more pithy and witty, but no less a treasure trove of issues. Documents recording Mr. Roberts’s policy-shaping opinions over 12 years of executive branch service have revealed his views on as far-ranging a set of history-shaping interventions as the Senate has ever before scrutinized for any Supreme Court nominee.

It turns out that behind the mild-mannered judicial Clark Kent who appeared with President Bush last July is a conservative Superman. Some supporters find his lack of scarring over the years reason for suspicion, as well as his minor roles in some liberal causes. But Robert Bork received much more serious Republican fire.

Yet even though the Bork fight shows us the direction in which the Roberts fight may go, Judge Roberts’s confirmation is all but inevitable, barring some scandal–and for only one reason: Democrats do not control the Senate. That is a lesson that Democrats will trumpet in a few weeks, and that Republicans should as well. Republicans also should be careful not to think that Judge Roberts’s confirmation is due to anything else but that. The Democrats will fail to block Judge Roberts not because he’s a “moderate” or a “stealth nominee,” but simply because they don’t have the votes.

WSJ on Snowe



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An editorial in today’s Wall Street Journal notes that then-Rep. Olympia Snowe was one of the sponsors of the comparable-worth legislation strongly criticized by John Roberts when he worked in the Reagan Administration, and that now-Senator Snowe is none too happy about it.

The Maine Republican hasn’t gone so far as to use the ’s’ word ["sexist"], but she’s made known her displeasure at Judge Roberts’s remarks in a 1984 memo on the subject. “I honestly find it troubling that three Republican representatives are so quick to embrace such a radical redistributive concept,” he wrote. “Their slogan may as well be, ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to her gender.’ ” Good line, that. But guess who one of the Republican representatives was?

Former Congresswoman and now Senator Snowe said in a statement that the Roberts memo “demonstrates a difference of opinion” about “the value of women’s contributions.” She added, “Hopefully, 21 years later, Judge Roberts possesses an openness with respect to issues of gender-based wage discrimination.” She went on to say she will “carefully and rigorously evaluate” his views on the subject.

Our own hope is that Ms. Snowe had used the last 21 years to learn more economics. But since she claims to be such a fan of comp worth, we called her office to find out where she stands on two comp-worth bills pending in the Senate. Senator Hillary Clinton proposes authorizing the Labor Department to set voluntary wage guidelines for various occupations. Senator Tom Harkin wants to leave the job to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and make compliance mandatory for every business with 25 or more employees. Senator Snowe isn’t a co-sponsor of either bill, which suggests that perhaps she has learned a little about the labor market after all, but doesn’t want to admit it publicly.


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“Roberts Was Right”



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about comparable worth. Here’s Diana Furchtgott-Roth in yesterday’s NYSun.

Can’t Keep My Eyes Off Of You



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Boston Globe columnist Scott Lehigh won’t leave the Roberts family–today questioning parenting skills–alone.

Where’s Your Sense of Humor?



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The Washington Times today won’t let the Roberts’s lawyer joke and the Left’s reaction to it die. There’s something I really like about that (not letting it die).

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I Just Got This From People for the American Way, NY



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KAthryn:

Thank you for your continued vigilance and phone calls to Senators Schumer and Clinton. Your calls are sending the message: we need a rigorous advise and consent process on the Supreme Court nomination of John Roberts.

You’ve made calls and forwarded action alerts on to your friends, but now we need your help in reaching out to other New Yorkers so your senators can hear from them, too. Please join us this and every Wednesday night at our New York office to generate even more calls by phonebanking other New York PFAW supporters. It’s time to lead! Let them know what’s at stake with the Roberts nomination, why you’ve already called your senators, and now why they should, too.

I can’t say I’ve made calls, but I hope they call me!

Unborn Victims in Pennsylvania



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As Mark Levin says, Pennsylvania’s unborn victims of violence act really has to make one wonder about the coherence — and sanity — of our permissive abortion laws. Some twenty-eight or so states have one of these laws. Not all the laws actually state that the unborn are persons, or even that they are human beings with a right not to be killed pretty much the same as everyone else’s right not to be killed. But they sure do seem to imply as much. Kill an unborn human individual and you get prosecuted, and punished,as if you killed anyone else. Unless, of course, you are an abortionist.

People may disagree about whether the unborn are rights bearing entities, about whether they are persons. But no one holds that the answer to the question whether the unborn are persons (or, as good as) depends upon who is asking, or on what the person asking wishes to do to the unborn individual. Everyone supposes that the answer — whatever it is — has to do with something essential about the unborn individual, that the moral status of the unborn — whatever it is — is intrinsic, that it depends upon the kind of entity the unborn is. Again, even those who favor permissive abortion laws will hold that the unborn are not persons because the unborn lack something which is essential to personhood, such as consciousness or feeling or life plans. One reason why this is so is simple enough: consider the consequences if who was a person depended generally upon whether it was useful to others to say so.

More Letter Thoughts



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Philly’s DA is charging the alleged killer of a woman who was 5-months pregnant with the murder of both the woman and her unborn baby. These cases highlight the idiocy of our current law. If a mother chooses to abort, she’s carrying not a baby, but a fetus (which, we’re told, has no right to life). If the mother’s fetus is terminated without her consent, then she’s carrying a baby not a fetus (which has a right to life). Maybe Specter and his staff can write a letter to Roberts about this.

RE: Specter’s Letter



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Well, it’s good to know that Specter and his staff can write. But can they think clearly? I find the attack by liberals like Specter, Feinstein, Leahy, etc. on judicial review a turn for the good, but alas, I’m sure they don’t realize what they’re saying. I notice missing from Specter’s letter is the Court’s striking down the partial birth abortion ban. I wonder what he thinks of that?

Specter Writes to Roberts



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Activism and the Administrative State



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Mark Levin’s concern is somewhat clearer to me now. He writes: “The massive administrative state Congress has created is no more responsive to democratic decision-making and majority will than the judiciary.” Agreed–though it is considerably more responsive to Congress than is the judiciary. (It is even pretty responsive to members of Congress as individuals; just ask anyone who needed a new passport in a hurry and called his congressman’s office for help.)

Mark goes on: “The federal court docket is clogged with lawsuits brought by tens of thousands of private citizens challenging the decisions of tens of thousands of unelected bureaucrats.” Mark would know better than I whether this is merely thousands, or tens of thousands. But take it as given. He wants to know whether I think it is “judicial activism per se for a court to hear such cases, or, if a court struck down an agency regulation, whether that was judicial activism.” Stating the question that broadly, I’d say my answer is no, it’s not “judicial activism per se” for a federal court to strike down an agency regulation–though there would be a great deal of difference between striking down an agency decision or regulation on statutory grounds, and doing so on constitutional grounds. Wouldn’t there?

Mark also wants me to elaborate on two things I said, and my doing so may illuminate more about the above. The first is that I would generally hold for courts not intervening to answer questions whether Congress has unconstitutionally delegated its legislative authority to the bureaucracy. Take it as a basic constitutional principle that the people have delegated the national legislative power to Congress, which cannot pass it on to others in any secondary delegation. Nevertheless, it does not strike me as an easy thing to say, in many cases, just what powers accorded to administrative agencies are legislative, and what are executive, and what are judicial. Much fun can be had at the Supreme Court’s expense for its having held that certain agencies exercise “quasi-legislative” and “quasi-judicial” powers while not really being either legislatures or courts, but (sort of) executive-branch agencies (Justice Scalia has mocked this sort of reasoning, and it’s fun to read him). But 200 years after he said it, there is still truth in James Madison’s remark that “[e]xperience has instructed us that no skill in the science of government has yet been able to discriminate and define, with sufficient certainty, its three great provinces–the legislative, executive, and judiciary.” I don’t know how one would go about demonstrating that a court’s discrimination in these matters is to be preferred to Congress’s discrimination.

Unless, that is, someone’s rights are placed in jeopardy. And that brings me to Mark’s second request for elaboration, of my remark that “the question whether a law is unconstitutional [is] separate from the question whether a federal court has any business ruling that it is.” The business of courts is to vindicate the rights of individuals. But it has never been demonstrated that any individual has a constitutional right, which can be vindicated in a court of law, to be free from the strictures of any and all unconstitutional actions of legislatures or other government agencies. Let us suppose, for instance, that Congress has overstepped the bounds of its power to regulate commerce “among the states,” even its power to undertake those things “necessary and proper” to such regulation. (Readers of this site can need little persuading that such a thing can happen, or has happened!) The question then becomes, is such an overstepping the business of courts, or of Congress itself as it responds (or fails to respond) to the interests and wishes of its constituents? My answer is that it is not the business of courts, unless as an ancillary matter the legislation or duly-authorized executive action happens to violate a constitutional right quite apart from the commerce-power or implied-power issue.

I expect that my answer will not sit well with Mark, who is on record in Men in Black, for instance, as condemning the remade Roosevelt Court for its approval of an extremely broad use of the commerce power after 1937. I teach that episode as a good-news story in the history of the Supreme Court’s power in American life. But Mark and I may have to appeal to our wise editor as to whether our going any further rounds on this subject is a fit use of space at Bench Memos.

The Ruth Bader Standard



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Progress for America has a mini-documentary out on how civil the Ginsburg SCOTUS hearings in the Senate were.

Dahlia Lithwick’s Gender Gap Problem



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There’s a lot to be said against her latest bit of anti-conservative snark—for example, she never quite explains what’s wrong with the claim that Roberts’s comment about lawyers and housewives was an anti-lawyer joke, not an anti-housewife one. But this passage was especially odd: “Another memo has Roberts blasting the proposed Equal Rights Amendment, dismissing it as an attempt to ‘bridge the purported “gender gap.”‘ In a later memo, Roberts referenced a proposal from a Reagan supporter for elevating Sandra Day O’Connor to chief justice and appointing a second woman to replace her if Warren Burger retired—and ‘Presto! The gender gap vanishes.’ Roberts’ response: ‘Any appointments the president makes will not be based on such crass considerations,’ Roberts added. ‘The president’s strong record on women’s issues—as it becomes more widely known—should suffice to close the “gender gap.”’

“Oddly enough, even Sandra Day O’Connor isn’t above such crassness. But then she lived through the ‘purported’ gender gap in a way Roberts did not.”

The phrase “gender gap” has most frequently been employed to describe the tendency of women to vote Democratic at higher rates than men (or, sometimes, just their tendency to vote Democratic). That seems to be pretty clearly the way Roberts was using the phrase. His use of “purported” could have several meanings: Given that the pattern was only beginning to be emerged and noticed, it’s hardly odd that he should have used it. But whatever he meant by “purported,” if Roberts was using “gender gap” in the standard way then Lithwick’s comment about O’Connor makes no sense. Did O’Connor live through the 1980 election in a way Roberts did not?

“Woman Problem”



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Dhalia Lithwick on John Roberts’s “contempt for all things female.”

Maybe once the humidity is way down again in the northeast…?

“Taking” Roberts’s Rep



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Elsewhere on NRO today, Leonard Leo takes on the James Burling/Pacific Legal Foundation piece Jon Adler linked to Friday.

Bloggers read Roberts Docs



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Judge Roberts & the 1977 Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions



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The more you learn about Judge Roberts, the better he looks.
Ed Morrissey at Captain’s Quarters has a fascinating post–as a result of his study of some of the Roberts files from the Reagan era made available last week. The specific materials in question deal with Roberts on the laws of war. The most interesting relate to the 1977 Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions.


We’ve talked about Protocol I a lot at NRO. I’ve addressed it here and here, for example, and the nonpareil team of David Rivkin and Lee Casey has written extensively on it (see, e.g., here and here). It grew out of the fashion of the times (i.e., the 70s and early 80s), which was, insanely, to try to extend the protections the Geneva Conventions provide for privileged combatants (precisely because they conduct war in a civilized manner) to insurgencies and terrorist organizations (even though they conduct themselves as barbarians, in total disregard of the civilizing aims of Geneva). To its great credit, the Reagan administration refused to be pressured into signing on to a treaty that would imperil American national security–ignoring protests that it was arrogant and, of course, “unilateralist.” Unlike virtually all of our European and NATO allies, the U.S. rejected Protocol I.


Well it turns out that Judge Roberts was smack in the middle of this history, which–20 years later–is once again so relevant.


Morrissey reports that the materials just made available contain a brief memo, dated May 8, 1985, in which Roberts appears to support (by lodging no objections) the position of the uniform military that the Protocols should be rejected because they “would treat many terrorist organizations as if they were countries engaged in war, legitimizing their activities and offering them protections and courtesies that should not be extended to common criminals.”


And–talk about history repeating itself–there is a subsequent July 1985 memo in which, as described by Morrissey, Roberts, upon briefly reviewing the earlier memo and the Joint Chiefs’ argument, observes “that the State Dept. wanted the Protocols ratified to show that the Reagan administration took a less unilateral approach to foreign policy.” Happily, President Reagan took a more unilateral approach.


My only quarrel with Captain Ed’s otherwise superb report and analysis stems from his suggestion that Senate Democrats are likely use these memos in an effort to tie Roberts to the Gitmo detentions. Only a handful of Democrats, representing the hard Left, actually believes the terrorists trying to kill us all should be treated as if they were honorable soldiers and given Geneva Convention protections. Guantanamo Bay may offend Jimmy Carter, but it does not offend most sensible Democrats. More to the point, regarding savages as unlawful combatants and subjecting them to humane confinement is not the least bit offensive to the vast majority of Americans. We should welcome a fight over Gitmo if the Left is foolish enough to want one.

“Civil Rights”



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is where the Dems think they can get Roberts, according to a piece in the Miami Herald today:

When confirmation hearings begin Sept. 6, Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee will concentrate on Roberts’ writings that shed light on his views of affirmative action, voting rights, pay equity and discrimination, aides and activists said.

That focus has evolved over the past several weeks, even though the most vocal opposition to Roberts has come from supporters of abortion rights. Senate Democratic aides and strategists said Democrats had more to gain by portraying Roberts as outside the mainstream on broad questions of fairness than on a polarizing subject such as abortion. Even if they can’t defeat Roberts, they hope to define his conservative values in ways that will hurt Republicans and help Democrats in the 2006 congressional elections.

RE: Activism



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If Matt didn’t understand the post, then I wasn’t clear.

In his reply to Robert, Robby and Gerry, Matt argued, among other things, that for there to be judicial activism there must be “interference with democratic decision-making” and “obstruct[ion] of majority will.” (Of course, these are not necessarily the same thing.) Matt also said that “I regard the question whether a law is unconstitutional as separate from the question whether a federal court has any business ruling that it is.”

I was/am trying to flesh this out a little more by example. The massive administrative state Congress has created is no more responsive to democratic decision-making and majority will than the judiciary, which is why I used it as an example to question Matt’s points. (I anticipate Matt saying that Congress has the power to reign in the bureaucracy, so if the people want change, they can elect a new Congress. But Congress also has the power to reign in the judiciary, and not doing so doesn’t make the judiciary’s actions in certain respects any more constitutional.)

The federal court docket is clogged with lawsuits brought by tens of thousands of private citizens challenging the decisions of tens of thousands of unelected bureaucrats. I asked Matt whether it was judicial activism per se for a court to hear such cases, or if a court struck down an agency regulation whether that was judicial activism. (The point being that by acting, in Matt’s view would the judiciary be exercising power over, in essence, congressional authority given that these agencies are congressional creations?) He didn’t understand my questions, and I don’t understand his answer.

In fairness, Matt points out that I “explicitly” barred him from addressing the constitutionality of congressional delegation. Still, Matt did dip his toe into that water: “On the basic constitutional question of delegation vs. nondelegation, I would say that I favor noninterference by the courts (though there might be particular cases where I would conclude otherwise).” Having now commented, perhaps when Matt has the time and inclination he can elaborate.

Now, why did I so confound Matt by asking him to put aside the constitutional issue (the constitutionality of delegation) and focus on the jurisdictional issue (judicial authority)? Out of allegiance to Matt. In his reply to Robert, Robby and Gerry he wrote, “I regard the question whether a law is unconstitutional as separate from the question whether a federal court has any business ruling that it is.” Perhaps this bifurcated construct needs a little more work.

What does this have to do with judicial activism or judicial restraint, Matt asks? I believe judicial activism is more than “interference with democratic decision-making” and courts acting as “obstructors of majority will,” which seemed to be Matt’s emphasis in his earlier post. It’s certainly part of it. But it also includes, for example, federal courts interfering with private activity where neither they nor the elected branches have constitutional authority. While the framers certainly did not create a judicial oligarchy, nor did they create a parliamentary government.

I am out of time for now and gone for a day or so, but I shall return.

The Court and Administrative Agencies



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Let me see if I understand Mark Levin’s question. Putting aside, as he suggests, the question of the constitutionality of Congress’s “delegation” of much rulemaking and adjudicative authority to administrative agencies, Mark wants to know whether I want the Court to refrain from intervening in cases where citizens challenge “decisions by unelected civil servants.” But if we put aside the question of whether an agency is constitutionally authorized to do what it does, then every such case resolves itself into an issue of statutory construction. That is, what does the authorizing legislation require as mandatory for the agency officials, and what does it permit as discretionary, and so forth?

There are better and worse ways to approach such questions–there is a whole body of doctrine about this sort of thing these days under the rubric of the “Chevron standards” (named for a pivotal case involving the oil company)–but I don’t see how the question of judicial activism or restraint regarding constitutional review enters into it. Or perhaps I have misunderstood Mark’s question altogether.

On the basic constitutional question of delegation vs. nondelegation, I would say that I favor noninterference by the courts (though there might be particular cases where I would conclude otherwise). But, again, Mark is explicitly leaving that question aside. So I’ll confess I’m confused about just what he wants to know.

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