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is held, and I too hold to it, that as long as we know what financial/political
money exchanges amount to, we can make the relevant judgments. If you
have the means of establishing that Congressman Quick received $25,000
last year from the Demolition Firearms Company, you can put the kind of
pressure on him, when time comes to vote on the new gun-control law, that
will keep him honest. This link is so widely advertised as to generate
the wisecrack that any politician who is truly anxious to help somebody
or something is wise to ask the intended benefactor kindly not to send
him a campaign contribution.
These conceptual
generalities fall, often, to the ground. It's like the problem we have
with local government: The rule is, keep the exercise of power to the
lowest possible echelon in the line of command, because that way you can
keep a keener eye on people who make the laws. Your problem becomes a
problem between you and an official you can lay your eyes on, not a remote
senator or a Supreme Court Justice who doesn't know your name, whose own
name you wish you had never heard of. All of which is absolutely true,
but every day, you run into this pothole in your life that you can't get
your local alderman to do anything about.
In Enron, the chief executives who sold their stock did so publicly, that
being the law. What that law says is that executive officers of a company
have to record any sale in the stock of their company within ten days
of the end of the month. Consider, then, the case of Kenneth Lay, who
was chairman and CEO of Enron. In a little over two years, he sold stock
350 times. That means that on an average day, he sold stock, sometimes
a lot of stock, sometimes not so much, but anybody who looked around would
have been justified in thinking him a kind of Enron-stock-dispensing machine.
Surely his name affixed to statements of stock sales month after month
over two years would have aroused interest in professional stock evaluators,
who would have passed the word down to their clients ("The big
man is selling. He must know something we don't know. Let's move to
another investment.") But that isn't the way the world works; ask
Bill Gates. Nobody is prouder or more optimistic about Microsoft than
its founder/boss, but he has sold stock worth billions. People do that,
and professionals don't interpret this as anything more than the exercise
of routine prudence, not to be interpreted automatically as a rejection
of the company whose shares you're selling. When Enron nose-dived, the
good Mr. Lay was still holding millions of shares of his company, worth
about $7.70. Either he didn't sell more than he did because he was stupid
(a possible explanation); or because he was afraid of calling greater
attention to the trickle that was seeping out of the sinking ship (a possible
explanation); or because he harbored the hope that Enron's problems would
turn the corner and that some day his millions of shares would be worth
$700 million (which is about what they were worth when Enron was trading
high).
The question everybody has is: Did Lay himself have information that governed
his conduct, information that he withheld from the shareholders? Perhaps.
On the other hand, the day the accountants changed their opinion on how
to classify $586 million of alleged 5-year profit wasn't until November
2001, a mere month before Enron went for bankruptcy. The primal scream
we hear comes, quite reasonably, from people who lost money on Enron,
most poignantly, employees whose savings and retirement money were forfeit.
But an entire tier of money-men are hopeful that the forthcoming investigation
will establish that buying Enron, during those giddy days, was an apparently
smart thing to do. If it was a dumb thing to do, those who were induced
to buy will have a brief against their advisers. It pays to remind ourselves
that every share sold meant one share bought.
Now if it transpires that the whole thing was a Ponzi scheme, then the
public fastens its eyes not so much on the venality of Mr. Lay and his
associates (if it proves that they were fraudulently deceptive) as on
the accountants. The whole idea of accounting is to o'er-leap management
and report to shareholders what actually is going on. If the accountants
misread what was going on on so grand a scale, then they were blind or
wicked, and attention reasonably turns to how to devise accountant codes
that even blind accountants can follow.
Meanwhile, it is wise to brace oneself to hear all the clichés
that are trotted out at every opportunity to attempt to discredit the
theory of capitalism, whose unhappy side is that just as there are winners,
there are also losers.
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