September
6, 2002, 9:00 a.m. Religious
Wars
U.S. Jewish
groups and their anti-Christian hostility.
By David Klinghoffer
mokers
try to quit smoking and often fail. Alcoholics try to quit drinking and
likewise often fail. Jewish anti-defamation groups try to quit defaming
Evangelical Christians, but old habits die-hard.
On the question of what attitude to take toward conservative Christians,
the intensifying crisis in the Mideast has opened many Jewish minds. Some
minds, however, remain tightly shut. The point can be expressed simply:
To survive, Israel needs America. And the present Republican administration
and Congress support Israel mainly because their Christian constituents
demand it.
A year ago, the most
prominent Jewish organizations were united in viewing the so-called Christian
Right as the chief threat to Jewish interests. Today, even Abraham Foxman
of the Anti-Defamation League, once a foremost Christian-basher, admits
that "the need for Evangelical support is overwhelming, consistent,
and unconditional." Yet not all the Jewish anti-defamation groups
see it this way. Among the top three the ADL, the Simon Wiesenthal
Center, and the American Jewish Congress (AJC) the AJC perceives
no connection between ensuring Israel's safety and cultivating the good
will of Christians.
That's the only conclusion to be drawn from a recent fundraising letter
from AJC president Jack Rosen. Reminding supporters that "we are
all focused on the war against terrorism in Israel and the U.S. fight
against terrorism abroad," Rosen points out that in America too we
have "religious extremists If you and I are not vigilant, the
Religious Right may be able to achieve in this country what our men and
women in uniform are fighting overseas: a government where those who do
not share their religious views are, in effect, second-class citizens."
In other words, while the tactics differ, Christian conservatives seek
for their faith what al Qaeda seeks for Islam: total domination.
Which is a total fiction, of course. Rosen immediately denies that he
means to "equate the Religious Right in America with the terrorists
abroad" having made just that equation in the preceding sentence.
Let's assume this isn't just a cynical attempt to incite paranoia for
profit ($100 for "Century Club" membership in the AJC, $1,000
for "Lifetime"). Evident from the group's website is an enmity
toward Evangelicals that can't be faked: in a press release charging that
"Protestant Evangelical Christianity permeates" a federally
funded jobs program in Texas; in another attacking an Iowa school board
for including a recital of the Lord's Prayer at a school graduation, thus
"advanc[ing] the Christian religion."
For Jews, the question
posed by the developing relationship with these Christians is both moral
and practical. Christians ask for nothing in return for friendship. But
morally, Jews owe them something. The alternative is to be content
as users of the good will of others an unattractive position to
find yourself in. At a minimum the Jewish community needs to revise patterns
of charitable giving, and stop sending checks to groups that preach resentment
of Israel's best friends.
Practically, considered solely in terms of self-interest, American Jews
have been accustomed to viewing secular liberals as our allies. If voting
records are any guide, this perception also needs to be revised. In May,
the U.S. House and Senate voted on symbolically charged resolutions of
solidarity with Israel. Both passed over objections from the secular Left.
In the House, 21 voted against, of whom 18 were Democrats. In the Senate,
2 voted against, both Democrats.
The old idea zealously adhered to by the American Jewish Congress
Republicans and conservatives, bad; Democrats and liberals, good
is not only outdated. It is not only counterproductive. When you consider
that Israel's future hangs in the balance, the addiction to anti-Christian
rancor seems positively insane.