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November
26, 2002 8:30 a.m.
The
Federal Eye
Why
civil libertarians are concerned.
By Robert A.
Levy
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hen
a former Iran-Contra defendant gets appointed to run a little-known Defense
Department operation called "Total Information Awareness," then
posts a sign on his office stating that "Knowledge Is Power,"
civil libertarians, not surprisingly, are exercised. Admiral John Poindexter
may be suited for the job, but is the job suited for a free society that
has, until recently, fastidiously safeguarded the privacy of its citizens?
Reportedly,
the new system will use high-tech "data mining" to gather information
from multiple databases, link individuals and groups, and share information
efficiently. Never mind that Pentagon computer scientists believe that
terrorists could easily avoid detection, leaving bureaucrats with about
200 million dossiers on totally innocent Americans instant access
to e-mail, web surfing, and phone records, credit-card and banking transactions,
prescription-drug purchases, travel data, and court records.
If Total Information
Awareness were the first and only budding threat to civil liberties, opponents
might be less apprehensive. But against a backdrop of multiple laws, executive
orders, and proposals all potentially troublesome to hardcore Bill
of Rights devotees our constitutional watchdogs are justifiably
uneasy. Here are a few of their grievances:
The
USA PATRIOT Act: Ordinarily, advance judicial authorization of executive
actions, followed by judicial review to assure that officials haven't
misbehaved, shields us from excessive concentrations of power in a single
branch of government. Under the PATRIOT Act, however, the executive branch
has overwhelming if not exclusive power. Judicial checks and balances
are conspicuously absent.
Expansion
of the FISA court's authority: The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act created a court that approves electronic surveillance of citizens
and resident aliens allegedly serving a foreign power. Previously, the
FISA court could act if foreign intelligence was the primary purpose of
an investigation. Now, foreign intelligence need only be "a significant
purpose." That is not a trivial change. It means easier government
access to personal and business records, and relaxed authorization of
Internet surveillance and wiretaps even in criminal cases.
Domestic
detention of non-citizens: Soon after 9/11, about 1,200 non-citizens
were detained in secret without evidence linking a single one of them
to al Qaeda. The recurring questions were pretty basic. How many remained
in custody? Who were they? What were the charges against them? What was
the status of their cases? Where and under what circumstances were they
being held? The Justice Department adamantly refused to provide any answers.
Secret
INS trials: Hundreds of deportation hearings have been held in secret
by the Immigration and Naturalization Service without a jury, and
without access by the defendant to legal counsel. The U.S. Court of Appeals
for the Sixth Circuit accused the INS of operating "in virtual secrecy
in all matters dealing, even remotely, with national security." The
court warned, "Democracies die behind closed doors."
Detention
of U.S. citizens: The administration has unilaterally declared that
two U.S. citizens are "enemy combatants," whisked them away,
detained them indefinitely in a military brig, denied them legal counsel,
filed no charges whatever, and prevented them from seeking meaningful
judicial review.
Monitoring
attorney-client communications: Attorney General John Ashcroft, armed
only with "reasonable suspicion" that a communication would
"facilitate acts of terrorism," invented Justice Department
authority to monitor talks between detainees and their lawyers, without
a court order, despite constitutional guarantees of an unimpeded right
to counsel.
Military
tribunals: The Bush executive order on military tribunals fell short
in three respects. First, tribunals should be convened only outside the
United States. Here, our criminal courts are a perfectly acceptable venue.
Second, tribunals must be limited to prosecuting unlawful combatants,
not merely someone tangentially related to international terrorism. Third,
tribunals should be congressionally authorized, not decreed by the executive
branch.
Terrorism
Information and Prevention System: TIPS was the administration brainchild
that would have transformed us into a nation of busybodies and snoops.
About eleven million informants especially mail carriers, utility
employees and others with unique access to private homes were to
help the Justice Department build yet another database containing names
of persons not charged with any wrongdoing.
Of course, advocates
of expanded executive power remind civil libertarians that President Bush
is an honorable man who understands that the Constitution is made of more
than tissue paper. That argument is simply not persuasive even
to those who fervently share its underlying premise. The policies that
are put in place by this administration are precedent-setting. Bush supporters
need to reflect on the same powers in the hands of his predecessor or
his successors.
Here's the guiding
principle: In the post-9/11 environment, no rational person believes that
civil liberties are inviolable. After all, government's primary obligation
is to secure the lives of American citizens. But when government begins
to chip away at our liberties, we must insist that it jump through a couple
of hoops. First, government must offer compelling evidence that its new
and intrusive programs will make us safer. Second, government must convince
us that there is no less invasive means of attaining the same ends. In
too many instances, those dual burdens have not been met.
If administration
critics have a single overriding concern about policies adopted in the
wake of 9/11, it is this: The president and the attorney general have
concentrated too much unchecked authority in the hands of the executive
branch compromising the doctrine of separation of powers, which
has been a cornerstone of our Constitution for more than two centuries.
Those persons who would unhesitatingly tradeoff civil liberties in return
for national security proclaim that concentrated power is necessary for
Americans to remain free. Yet there's an obvious corollary that's too
often missed: Unless Americans remain free, they will never be secure.
Robert A. Levy is senior fellow in constitutional studies at the Cato
Institute.
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