April
4, 2003, 9:20 a.m.
Nix the Energy Bill
Better no bill
than an anti-energy bill.
By Marlo Lewis
Jr.
he
White House seems to believe that passing an energy bill any energy
bill will help GOP candidates win in 2004. Because of this, Republicans
on Capitol Hill are likely to face increasing pressure over the coming
year to accept "energy" policies that are, in fact, anti-energy.
That would be a colossal blunder.
Energy, as the
late Julian Simon observed, is the "master resource" it
enables mankind to transform all other resources into goods and services.
Make energy scarcer and dearer, and you stifle enterprise, job creation,
and growth. Rising energy prices caused or contributed to every recession
of the past 25 years. If the 108th Congress enacts anti-energy policies
under the guise of "climate" or "global-warming"
policy Republicans will take the heat in 2004 for the economy's poor
performance.
Global-warming policy
typically aims to restrict emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2). But CO2
is the inescapable byproduct of the hydrocarbon fuels that supply 70 percent
of U.S. electricity and 84 percent of all U.S. energy. The Kyoto global-warming
treaty, which would limit U.S. CO2 emissions to 7 percent below 1990 levels,
is a gigantic energy-rationing scheme the regulatory equivalent
of regressive, growth-chilling energy taxes.
The Senate Energy
and Natural Resources Committee has drafted "energy" legislation
that will, if enacted, lead inexorably to Kyoto-style energy rationing.
The draft bill directs the Department of Energy to award companies "transferable
credits" for "voluntary" CO2 emission reductions. Under
this scheme, companies that take steps now to reduce their CO2 emissions
will earn regulatory credits they can later use to comply with Kyoto or
a similar compulsory regime. This is fatal to sound energy policy because
transferable credits will: (a) create the institutional framework for
future Kyoto-type emissions cap-and-trade programs, and (b) grow the "greenhouse
lobby" of Enron-like companies seeking to profit from energy suppression
policies.
Here are nine reasons
why policymakers should deem any transferable credit provisions as an
energy-legislation deal breaker:
Transferable
credits will mobilize lobbying for energy rationing. Credits attain full
market value only under a mandatory emissions reduction target or "cap."
In effect, credits are Kyoto stock that bears dividends if, but only if,
Kyoto or kindred regulation is adopted. Every credit holder will have
an incentive to lobby for Kyoto or its domestic equivalent. Although
touted as "voluntary" and "win-win" (good for business,
good for the environment), transferable credits will create a coercive
system in which one company's gain is another's loss. For every company
that gains a credit in the pre-regulatory period, there must be another
that loses a credit in the mandatory period (otherwise the emissions "cap"
will be broken). Consequently, companies that do not "volunteer"
will be penalized forced in the mandatory period to make deeper
emission reductions than the cap itself would require, or pay higher credit
prices than would otherwise prevail. Transferable
credits will disadvantage small business. Participants gain at the expense
of non-participants. Most small businesses will not participate, because
they cannot afford to hire carbon accountants and engineers, yet all will
have to pay higher energy prices if emission caps are imposed. Transferable
credits will limit energy diversity. Because coal is the most carbon-intensive
fuel, Kyoto would decimate coal as a fuel source for electric-power generation.
If adopted, transferable credits will send a political signal that coal's
days are numbered. Companies will thus switch from coal to natural gas,
further aggravating the existing natural gas-supply crunch and price spikes
that have already cost consumers billions of dollars. Transferable
credits will corrupt the politics of U.S. energy policy. Since the scheme
penalizes non-participants, many businesses will "volunteer"
just to avoid getting shoved to the shallow end of the credit pool later
on. Many companies will end up holding energy rationing coupons that mature
only under Kyoto or comparable regulation. Credits will swell the ranks
of companies lobbying for anti-consumer, anti-energy policies. Transferable
credits are a political ploy by the Green Left. During the 105th and 106th
Congresses, Environmental Defense, the Pew Center on Global Climate Change,
the Clinton-Gore administration, and Senators John Chafee (R., R.I.) and
Joseph Lieberman (D., Conn.) devised and marketed transferable credits
to build a pro-Kyoto business clientele. Transferable
credits empower politicians to pick economic winners and losers. Sen.
James Jeffords's (I., Vt.) "Clean Power Act, " which would impose
Kyoto-like CO2 controls on power plants, is a case in point. Up to 99
percent of the CO2 credits would go to persons and entities that produce
little or no electric power. Transferable
credits increase the risk of future Enron-type scandals. Firms might "earn"
credits by not producing things, outsourcing production, shifting facilities
overseas, or "avoiding" hypothetical future emissions. A market
in such dubious assets will be fertile soil for creative accounting. *Transferable
credits have no environmental value. As a study in the November 1, 2002,
issue of Science magazine explains, world energy demand could triple
by 2050, yet "Energy sources that can produce 100 to 300 percent
of present world power consumption without greenhouse emissions do not
exist operationally or as pilot plants." Hence, any serious attempt
to stabilize CO2 levels via regulation would be both futile and economically
devastating. No good purpose is served by creating a pre-regulatory ramp-up
to unsustainable regulation. An early start on a journey one cannot complete
is not progress; it is wasted effort.
Why did Republican
staff include transferable credits in its draft energy legislation? Surprisingly,
the big push for credits these days comes not from the Green Left but
from the Bush administration.
The administration
seeks to replace Kyoto's mandatory emissions-tonnage-reduction targets,
which are inimical to growth, with voluntary emissions intensity reduction
goals, which can accommodate growth. The administration views credits
as a way to motivate companies to reduce emissions per dollar of output,
and the draft Senate energy bill reflects this thinking.
However, credits
would be awarded only for "real" (i.e. tonnage) reductions,
so the scheme would ratify rather than replace the Kyoto framework. More
critically, an emissions-intensity goal provides no alternative to Kyoto
if it is coupled with a crediting plan that fuels pro-Kyoto lobbying.
There is a better
way to encourage emission-intensity reductions. Expensing (accelerated
capital-cost recovery) would help companies reduce their emissions per
dollar of output without picking winners and losers, setting the
stage for cap-and-trade, or building political support for energy rationing.
By reducing the tax
penalty on capital investment, expensing would speed up turnover of plant
and equipment. In general, newer, more modern facilities are cleaner and
more productive than older units, delivering more output per unit of input,
including energy inputs. Expensing would accelerate carbon-intensity decline
while boosting productivity and wages. Expensing is, thus, a true "no
regrets" policy desirable whether global warming ultimately
proves to be a serious, minor, or imaginary problem. This is the path
pro-energy policymakers should pursue.