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The call-in show was a small, opaque window into the world Arafat has created for the Arabs of the Palestinian Authority. A recent poll, conducted by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion (PCPO) has also reflected this reality, with the overwhelming majority of PA Arabs (72.5 percent) expressing support for "changing the Palestinian government." A similar majority (68.6 percent) supported "the restructuring of [the] Palestinian Authority" and (67 percent) "support Javier Solana's statements and calls on the PA to be more transparent, accountable and democratic." Arafat got his first taste of the public discontent with his leadership in May, when he was released from his Ramallah headquarters at the end of a month-long standoff with Israel and after a widespread Israeli military offensive against terrorist bases in PA areas. At first, Arafat was received with cheers in Ramallah, but only small crowds greeted him as he made his way through other PA towns. He even cancelled a tour of Jenin when he was informed that he would be confronted by supporters of the Islamist opposition. This grassroots support for the Islamists is the reason why Arafat offered to incorporate them into his governing structure, as part of the much-discussed reforms. It is also the reason that the Islamists refused the invitation. They get much more mileage out of being independent of an administration seen by many as corrupt and weak than they would by sitting closer to the governmental plate. In addition, the Hamas and Islamic Jihad want to remain free to continue suicide bombings against Israelis, something Arafat has said is not currently in the Arab interest. One might conclude, based on their behavior, that the Islamist gangs do not believe that Arafat has any intention of implementing anything but cosmetic reforms, nor that he has any real intention of putting an end to terrorism, Islamist or otherwise. If so, then the Islamists hold the same view of Arafat as does Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Shaul Mofaz. "The Palestinian approach to Israel will not change as long as Arafat is navigating the ship, incorporating terrorism and violence," Mofaz told an audience of journalists this past week. The same is true for the reforms, he said, "As long as Arafat is the one in charge of the reform it's not going to happen. He will try to water it down." Mofaz pointed out that the calls for reform are not just Israeli demands, they come from the people in the PA street, from the Arab world, and from the United States. Some Arab leaders, noted the chief of staff, actually seek to reduce Arafat's influence in the PA in order to facilitate a political solution. One of those leaders is Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. Mubarak told Patrick Tyler and Neil MacFarquhar of the New York Times earlier this week that the plan he intends to present to U.S. President George W. Bush includes the declaration of a Palestinian state early next year, with Arafat assuming a ceremonial role by that point. In other words, Mubarak wants to kick the old boy upstairs. The Egyptian president minced no words when telling the Times, "I am not saying Arafat is the best man, no. But we have to use Arafat in this present situation. Arafat would be much more flexible than ever before after this period of the past year." There is a great deal of skepticism about Yasser Arafat even at home, as reflected in the recent PCPO poll of residents of the Palestinian Authority. Despite their overwhelming support for reform in the PA, they do not believe that Arafat is serious about it. The largest group of those polled "believe that Arafat's call for reformation was only to get out of a plight," with 52.5 percent of them agreeing that "decisions made by the PA will remain in the hands of [a] limited number of people." As stated by a senior White House official in another context, after a suicide bombing killed 17 people on an Israeli bus this week, "Yasser Arafat has never played a role of someone who can be trusted or effective." Arafat can be counted on for one thing, though trying to extricate himself from any commitment to halt violence against Israel or to share power. After the IDF retaliated for the latest suicide bus bombing by entering Ramallah and destroying part of his headquarters there, Arafat told reporters, in English, "We are defending the holy places of the Christians and Moslems and we are ready to die defending them!" On June 4, prior to the Megiddo bus bombing and its aftermath, on the Voice of Palestine radio station, Arafat is reported to have said, "the continuation of the aggressive policy and destructive war will deprive our people of their right to participate in the parliamentary, presidential, and local elections. It will also obstruct holding the elections at the target dates and hinder the reconstruction of the areas and installations that were destroyed by the occupation forces." The PA daily al-Ayyam quoted a senior Authority official as saying, "The President stressed that restoring the peace process and bringing about security and stability in the region is unattainable while the Israeli occupation forces continue their siege, closure and incursions, which cause daily suffering to our people." Employing a tactic former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu called "reversal of causality," the PA leader is attempting to blame the lack of democratic process in the Palestinian Authority and the ongoing terrorist offensive on the recent Israeli antiterrorism campaign in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. The problem is that the recent two-month-long Israeli offensive against terrorist bases cannot explain the preceding years of incessant terrorism, systemic corruption, and lack of democracy in Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority. Nissan Ratzlav-Katz is opinion editor of www.IsraelNationalNews.com. |
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