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San
Jose Rumble By
Arnold Steinberg, a California political strategist |
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Indicating how important the events in San Jose this weekend were, the Big Apple was a key part of it. Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Gov. George Pataki back Riordan. (Do Michael plus George equal Rudy?) Guiliani backs Simon. Bill Jones is New Yorkers-less. The big story in this debate was that Simon acted like a candidate. He finally pointed out differences between him and Riordan. Also, belatedly, but significantly, he has increased his ad budget Jones has a good story to tell for November. But the Bush high command ostracized him. So he lacks campaign cash. State Republicans had scheduled their big convention last September. That would have been a disaster for the unprepared Riordan. After 9-11, the convention was shelved. So, he had five months to prepare for this last weekend. How should Riordan have used that time? Be inclusive. Take a Republican to lunch. Instead, Riordan's advisers systematically sabotaged a Republican base for November. They put Riordan on the road less traveled on (by Republicans). For example, they scheduled him at a left-wing dinner that even Gray Davis would not attend. The banquet honored Rep. Barbara Lee for opposing President Bush's war on terrorism. (That's the same Barbara Lee who last week refused to vote for congressional birthday greetings for Ronald Reagan.) For more alienation, one Riordan TV ad even includes a quick scene showing Riordan with Bill Clinton. "I will not vote for Dick Riordan," said former state Sen. Richard Mountjoy, president of the grassroots California Republican Assembly. "If it came down between Riordan and Davis, I would have to vote for the conservative." Recent Republican party state chairmen John ">, Michael Schroeder, and John Herrington have accused Riordan of running to the left of Davis. But other former Republican party state chairs Michael Montgomery, Frank Visco, and Tirso del Junco-say Riordan has the best chance to win in November. "I'm going to help him as much as he helped me," George Deukmejian said about Riordan. Republican Deukmejian was governor from 1983 to 1991. Riordan had contributed $500,000 to Democrat Tom Bradley, who lost to Deukmejian. "I don't respect him," Deukmejian continued. "I don't have any respect for the way he has conducted himself politically. He tries to be all things to all people." At the debate, Riordan joked that Deukmejian has a bad memory and only remembers a grudge. Riordan was booed. Was this yet another question for which Riordan's team had not prepared him? Most Republicans want to win in November. They do not care about Riordan's past. But they do care about his present. And Gray Davis already has spent millions of dollars on attack ad that accuse Riordan of a flip-flop from pro-life to pro-choice. On more shaky ground, they also say he changed his position from opposing, to favoring, the death penalty. Meanwhile, Riordan's advisers inexplicably had trapped him daily on a campaign bus with persistent reporters. The hits took their toll on Riordan. Moreover, the Riordan campaign had never inoculated the candidate. They could have put out his negatives last year. Once caught, the campaign was unprepared to respond. Now, under siege, the campaign has struggled. It did not comprehend that Davis has moved far beyond any single issue. He questions Riordan's credibility and his "political character." Focus groups around the state show a disturbing trend for the Republican party. Panelists who once praised Riordan as a non-politician now criticize him as a hypocrite. His campaign's nonexistent strategy required him to make this election a referendum on Gray Davis. Not on himself. |