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On the legal side, he overlooked Supreme Court cases holding that the United States Constitution is neither a suicide pact nor a Freedom of Information Act. On the practical side, if the Justice Department cannot continue its longstanding (almost 40 years) discretionary authority to close these proceedings, our government's knowledge of who is in custody, evidence linking them to terrorism, and the methods of operation and sources who turned them in, will be handed on a silver platter to those who want to kill us.
A group of New Jersey media outlets challenged the directive by Chief Immigration Judge Michael Creppy, which closed removal proceedings involving special-interest detainees, i.e. those related to terrorism. Citing national-security concerns, Judge Creppy directed these cases be closed to relatives, the general public, and the press. The detainee and his counsel are not barred from attendance. Nor are they prevented from presenting witnesses. Judge Bissell ordered not just hearings in New Jersey, but all hearings across the United States, opened unless the government meets a high standard of necessity and argues it case by case. The Supreme Court recently halted that order until all appeals have been decided. Never has Congress or the Supreme Court established a right to open hearings for the non-criminal proceeding of removing an illegal alien from our country. Post-September 11, when preventing the next attack takes precedence over investigating past crimes, there is even more need to maintain the authority of the executive branch to decide which hearing will be made public. The reasons are many. The identity of a person in custody should not be known to the terrorists. Why? Because they will know who is no longer available to carry out a prearranged plan and can send a replacement. Because the detainee's relatives as well as the detainee could be threatened, maimed or killed, thwarting any desire to cooperate with law enforcement. Also, knowing who is in custody reveals how he got in custody, a misstep sure to be corrected for the next cell member. The detainee and his lawyer are not gagged but are free to tell of confinement. According to the Justice Department brief filed with the Supreme Court, the "vast majority" of special-designated aliens have chosen not to do so. Clearly, the decision should not be left to the press to decide what information is best divulged on behalf of the United States, our national security, or the detainees. A removal hearing requires evidence to be presented to the court supporting the reasons the detainee should be removed from our borders. Disclosing that evidence in an open hearing not only tells the world what we know, it also announces what we do not know. It is equally harmful to our national security for a terrorist organization planning an attack to know that we are listening to specific telephone numbers, as it is that we do not have access to their communications. Sources and methods will certainly be compromised by public hearings. To harm national security, the facts released do not have to be as specific as the source's name or the method's exact nature. Even vague information, such as the timing of our government learning of the detainee's whereabouts, is usually but one tile of a mosaic, the full picture known only by those who are the perpetrators. Even U.S. law enforcement may not have a full appreciation of which piece of evidence, if disclosed, would be innocuous and which could contribute to a successful attack. Certainly judges, who rarely have any national security background and certainly no overview of the September 11 investigations, have no basis for determining what information should be protected. Congress, when authorizing the president to use military force, gave him the additional authority "under the Constitution to take action to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States." He is following that mandate by closing these immigration hearings. Victoria Toensing a former Justice Department official who created the terrorism section, is a senior fellow for the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. |
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