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t
this writing, the United States is under attack as never before in its
history. Coordinated, murderous strikes have happened at several of the
most visible public and private-sector facilities in the country.
Suddenly, as a result,
several facts are clear:
Those
who have perpetrated these acts are waging war against the United States.
This is not simply terrorism; it is a determined assault aimed at destroying
a free society using instruments of mass destruction against which there
is, for all intents and purposes, no sure defense notably, hijacked
commercial airliners. Even greater than the threat to our people and property
is the prospect that, with the unleashing of these Pearl Harbor-style
bolts-from-the-blue, the civil liberties and freedoms we have taken for
granted for so long and that make America the unique and great
nation it is may never be quite the same.
The
fight that has now come to our land is the same one Israel has been fighting
for many years. Its perpetrators may or may not be exactly the same. My
own guess which can only be a guess in the absence of an uncontradicted
declaration of responsibility is that this violence has been wrought
by Islamic supremacists who view the United States and Israel as equally
anathema to their faith, society, and cultural mores and, therefore, deserving
of a similar, lethal fate.
The
United States must now contend with sources of these threats in much the
same way as the Israelis have of late: Using lethal force where it can
to attack, disrupt and, if possible, destroy those believed associated
with international terrorism. This means not only those individuals and
groups but also, where necessary, the states that sponsor and support
them.
The
distinct possibility exists that others may try to seize upon America's
distraction and the allocation of its resources to domestic remediation
and reconstruction needs to engage in aggression elsewhere. This should
put an end to discussion of funding our defense budget at levels inadequate
to deal with two major contingencies simultaneously. We now have one at
home; how long will it be before we have one elsewhere?
America
is not omniscient. For too long, we have been encouraged to believe that
our spy satellites would assure we knew in advance of any threat. Clearly,
our intelligence capabilities are not what they need to be when the threat
comes not from weapons that can be monitored from space but from small,
highly disciplined and ruthlessly secretive groups and their state sponsors.
The Clinton holdovers who still run the Central Intelligence Agency bear
no small measure of responsibility for serious shortcomings in these and
other areas. Heads should roll, starting with that of CIA Director George
Tenet.
Preparedness
for emergencies like those we now confront must be redoubled. For years,
the Clinton administration downplayed the importance of continuity of
government planning, preparations for evacuating cities and a comprehensive
approach to civil defense. This should be seen for what it was
a reprehensible abdication of responsibility. There can be no higher priority
than rectifying that reckless policy.
Awful
as today's deadly attacks on the United States are, however, they pale
by comparison to what missile-delivered weapons of mass destruction could
inflict. Even as we improve our ability to detect, deflect and destroy
those planning acts of terror against us, we must also end our present,
absolute vulnerability to the real and growing danger posed by missile
threats. President Bush should be commended for his commitment to deploying
effective missile defenses and certainly not deterred by today's events
from pursuing them even more aggressively.
There is no doubt
that September 11, 2001 is a day that will long be remembered as momentous.
If the United States properly perceives the grave nature of the threat
it now confronts, and deals with it appropriately, chances are historians
will mark it as the day the "Inter- war" years ended.
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