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t
is official, or nearly so. According to a Reuters' report, the Bush administration
has begun briefing Congress that the President Bush is "going to
give formal notice in January of [his intention to] withdraw...from the
[1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile] Treaty."
Pursuant to the Treaty's
Article XV, six months after such an announcement the United States would
no longer be subject to even the political obligation to observe its myriad
constraints. (According to a definitive legal analysis performed for the
Center for Security Policy by Douglas J. Feith who is now President
Bush's undersecretary for policy and George Miron in 1999, the
ABM Treaty ceased to be legally binding on the United States in
1991 when the other party, the Soviet Union, was formally disestablished.)
President Bush most
recently publicly signaled his intention to take such a step in an important
address today at the Citadel, marking the three-month anniversary of the
attacks that initiated the war on terrorism:
Last week we conducted
another promising test of our missile defense technology. For the good
of peace, we're moving forward with an active program to determine what
works and what does not work. In order to do so, we must move beyond
the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, a treaty that was written in
a different era, for a different enemy.
America and our
allies must not be bound to the past. We must be able to build the defenses
we need against the enemies of the 21st century.
To its credit, the
United States has not only made known its intention to congressional figures
but to the Kremlin. Reuters noted in its wire story today that "The
Russian news agency Itar-Tass reported separately on Tuesday that the
Bush administration will soon officially announce it is leaving the treaty."
If these reports
are in fact true, President Bush is to be heartily commended for taking
the only step vis a vis the ABM Treaty that is compatible with
his declared purpose of defending the American people against the real
and growing ballistic missile threat. The Center for Security Policy (and
NR) has long urged both him and his predecessors to take precisely this
action and it would be particularly gratifying were he now to do so in
lieu of adopting the course some of his subordinates and others have been
urging upon him i.e., preserving the ABM Treaty for the time being
but securing (somehow) from the Russians permission to conduct certain
anti-missile development tests prohibited by that accord. This was a snare
and delusion that would inevitably have continued to hobble the development,
let alone any deployment of effective missile defenses. Mr. Bush will
deserve great credit if he rejects it as such.
The question occurs,
however: Why wait until January? The leaks about Mr. Bush's impending
decision are certain to engender, both here and abroad, whatever (probably
vestigial) opposition remains in the wake of 9/11 to the United States
defending its people. No good can come from creating a window in which
that opposition might be fanned and orchestrated in the hope of dissuading
the president from acting or, at least, adding to the political
costs of his doing so. Even if he acts at once, it will still be six
more months before there is any relief from the treaty. During that
period, missile-defense tests will have to continue to be made less realistic
and less useful than they might otherwise be. Deployment-related activities
for sea-, air- or space-based systems will remain illegal. Why add an
extra month to the already too long list of unjustified costs of what
Mr. Bush has correctly called an "obsolete," "outdated"
and "dangerous" treaty?
In the words of a
great marketing campaign: Just do it. Reuters' competitor, the Associated
Press, is at this writing running an item saying Mr. Bush "will announce
the decision in the next several days." That's better. The time to
move beyond the ABM Treaty is now.
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