Family Feud
The struggle for Wade Horn, and the family.

Mr. Kurtz is also a fellow at the Hudson Institute
June 11, 2001 8:10 a.m.

 

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he mainstream media keeps telling President Bush that to win a second term, he’s got to distance himself from his own social conservatism. That would certainly make the media more comfortable with President Bush (a factor not to be taken lightly), but it’s not the way to win. If President Bush runs away from his own social conservatism, he’ll only marginalize the values that he and most Americans share. President Bush can turn his social conservatism from an albatross into an asset by framing cultural debate in such a way as to highlight his bond with the public, while simultaneously isolating the cultural Left. The way to do that is through a series of initiatives and appointments in support of fatherhood and marriage. Last week, the president embarked on precisely that course.

Of course the media has taken the new census statistics on the decline of the two-parent family as proof that conservative family advocates are a dying breed. As both John Leo and E. J. Dionne showed in recent columns, however, the census statistics have been manipulated so as to exaggerate family decline. Yet the more important point is that a substantial majority of Americans favor public support for married parents with children. Evidence of decline doesn’t shake confidence in the traditional family so much as it increases the public’s sense that something needs to be done in support of it.

A Wirthlin Woldwide poll commissioned by the Alliance for Marriage during the presidential campaign showed that the public considers government action to strengthen families far more important than either increasing job opportunities or cleaning up the environment. More than three-quarters of Americans would be willing to require counseling for families with children before granting divorce. Support for such proposals crosses party lines — with independents (at 65 percent) even more concerned about family breakdown than Republicans. This broad national consensus on the need to stem the decline of marriage and family presents President Bush with a golden opportunity to turn the national debate over cultural issues to his advantage.

With his nomination of Dr. Wade Horn to serve as assistant secretary of health and human services for family support, the president has taken a gigantic step in the right direction. Dr. Horn is president of the National Fatherhood Initiative, a founder of the “fatherhood movement,” and a strong supporter of public policies that encourage marriage. Horn’s nomination has run into trouble with feminists, including the National Organization of Women, but feminist groups only isolate themselves by complaining about moves to strengthen marriage.

NOW President Patricia Ireland’s appearance on Hardball last week was a case in point. Ireland was there to voice her doubts about the Horn nomination, but she was continually put on the defensive by Chris Matthews. Matthews kept trying to get Ireland to openly avow her clearly implied view that father’s aren’t essential — that the government has no more interest in supporting fathering than in encouraging gay adoption or single mothering. Because Ireland understood the dangers of frankly stating such views, she was left virtually tongue-tied. NOW’s isolation on this issue is reflected in the support of many Senate Democrats, including some liberals, for both Horn, and for initiatives in support of fatherhood and marriage.

And pro-marriage programs will do more than isolate the cultural Left. By focusing on pro-family initiatives, President Bush can diffuse some of the controversy over his Office Of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. Up to now, every time the question of the Faith-Based initiative comes up, debate turns on questions of church and state. But much of what the president’s Faith-Based initiative will actually do involves supporting organizations dedicated to strengthening marriage and parenting. In fact, Don E. Eberly, who founded the National Fatherhood Initiative, is deputy director of the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. Once the actual work of the faith-based office in support of marriage and fathering becomes the focus of public attention, support for the faith-based initiative itself is likely to increase.

President Bush’s remarks last Thursday at the National Summit on Fatherhood were the beginning of what could be both an important cultural legacy, and a winning political strategy for his administration. In those remarks, the president struck just the right tone — emphasizing the critical importance of fathers, while still underscoring the need to respect the and support the many single mothers determined to do right by their kids under difficult circumstances. That is the key to success with this issue — finding a way to offer special support and encouragement to traditional marriage, without abandoning others.

When the Democrats portray President Bush’s cultural conservatism, whether directly or indirectly, they paint it in the same lurid tones that were used to besmirch John Ashcroft. Racism, sexism, homophobia, and religious fanaticism are the lingering accusations with which his foes hope to associate the president. All of this will be accentuated in the coming months, as the battle over Mr. Bush’s judicial nominees becomes the flashpoint of conflict with the Congress.

But a cultural policy framed through appointments and initiatives in support of fatherhood and marriage will be difficult to dismiss as the product of bigoted fanaticism. Those who attempt to do so will only marginalize themselves in the eyes of the public. The president needn’t run away from his own social conservatism. On the big issues, the public is with him. A tempered traditionalism, framed as support for marriage, rather than as opposition to marriage’s foes, is both the right thing to do — and the way to win.

 
 

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