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The
Sedition Act of 2001 July 13, 2001 12:50 p.m. |
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The second successful effort to limit political speech was the Sedition Act of June 15, 1917, which was signed into law by President Woodrow Wilson. A May 16, 1918 amendment to the Act stated, in relevant part:
This year a new sedition act — disguised as "campaign-finance reform" — was passed by the Senate but, by a narrow margin, was at least temporarily beaten back yesterday on a procedural vote in the House of Representatives. The Sedition Act of 2001 — usually referred to as the McCain-Feingold or Shays-Meehan bills — would have severely limited and, in certain instances, criminalized, political speech. It would have dictated when, how, and by whom speech could be exercised by various citizens or groups of citizens during an election cycle. For example, it outlawed the airing or publication of issue advertisements 60 days prior to an election in clear violation of the Supreme Court's ruling in Buckley v. Valeo. These ads are detested by incumbent members of Congress because of their effectiveness. The Sedition Act of 2001 would also have outlawed so-called "soft money" contributions, which are nothing more than donations to political parties rather than specific candidates. The parties use this money to fund their operations and support their candidates. These contributions are largely unregulated. If the Sedition Act of 2001 had become law, the political parties would have lost much of the financial support necessary to play an active role in campaigns throughout the country. Of course, this is of little consequence to two of the law's sponsors — John McCain and Christopher Shays. Their careers have been built on disparaging their own party. While there were tenuous (and, in my view, unsupportable) justifications for the Sedition Acts of 1798 and 1917 — an international crisis or war — there is no equivalent circumstance motivating the advocates of the current proposed law. This entire movement is built on the proposition that influence exercised by citizens on their representatives is corrupt. That is why they would limit, and in some cases eliminate, speech potentially critical of them or their policies. That is why they would cutoff avenues of effective communication between citizens by imposing strict contribution levels on the public. And that is why they would fine and even imprison those who would speak out of turn. Those who support the Sedition Act of 2001 may masquerade as good-government reformers, and they may use self-serving populist rhetoric to describe their intentions, but the truth is that their real beef is with representative government. |