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1984, U.S. and Philippine servicemen have participated in an annual
joint-service exercise called Balikatan or "shoulder to shoulder."
Such bilateral maneuvers are fairly common worldwide, and they give
our troops the opportunity to train in tactical operations and render
humanitarian assistance in the areas in which the exercises are
held. Last year 1,700 U.S. troops participated in BK01, which makes
our recent deployment of around 650 troops look somewhat paltry.
But this time there are some major differences. Instead of one to
two months, the exercise may last as long as six. It has been renamed
Kalayaan-Aguila or "Freedom Eagle," and has been moved
from the northern island of Luzon south to the Zamboanga and Basilon
provinces in Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago, where the Philippine
armed forces have been engaged in a fierce struggle with several
guerrilla armies. Prominent among them is the radical Islamic Abu
Sayyaf Group (ASG), one of the 29 designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations,
international in scope and identified by the Bush administration
as tied to al Qaeda. Besides allegedly being part of bin Laden's
network, since last May the ASG has held prisoner
Martin and Gracia Burnham, two American missionaries from Wichita,
Kansas. A third American, Guillermo Sobero of Corona, California,
was beheaded along with four Filipino captives as a gesture of intimidation.
They were obviously messing with the wrong people — in June
2001, on the occasion of the death of ASG leader Khadaffy Janjalani
in a fire fight with Philippine troops, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
told potential successors, "it is best that you free your hostages
and surrender. Isang bala ka lang." The mellifluous
phrase translates as, "You are only worth one bullet."
It is no coincidence
that Freedom Eagle is taking place in a war zone. "It's more
practical to be nearer the battleground," Ms. Arroyo stated.
Philippine Defense Secretary Angelo Reyes has dubbed it "realistic
training" and, lest anyone miss the point, noted that in the
course of the exercise "we expect the Abu Sayyaf to be neutralized
and the hostages recovered." But the Philippine government
has stressed that American troops will not be employed as combatants,
and will act only in observation and support roles. And if they
come under attack? "It doesn't mean they were engaged in battle
because they were just defending themselves," Arroyo reasoned.
The hair-splitting
may seem strange — both countries are at war with terrorists
after all, and no one has made a point of calling the conflict in
Afghanistan a training mission, or insisted on rules of engagement
that allow only defensive fire. But the problem is that the Philippine
Constitution (Article 15 section 25) provides that after the closure
of U.S. bases in 1991, "foreign military bases, troops, or
facilities shall not be allowed in the Philippines except under
a treaty duly concurred in by the Senate" unless a national
referendum is held. By justifying the U.S. deployment under terms
of the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty that provides for combined training,
Arroyo is gambling that success on the battlefield will overcome
the legal arguments already being raised by her political opponents.
This is particularly important since Arroyo ascended to power from
the vice presidency a year ago under questionable circumstances
(the military and the people elevated her after a collapsed impeachment
of her predecessor; her position was subsequently affirmed by the
supreme court) and she needs to live up to her inaugural presidential
promise to "crush" all "enemies of the state."
The situation
is particularly sensitive given the history of the two countries.
This would not be the first time the U.S. fought a Philippine counterinsurgency.
A century ago around 150,000 American troops were engaged in the
Philippine-American War, the first American war of the 20th century.
The troops were under the command of General Arthur MacArthur, and
while they managed to subdue the rebels after three years, the excesses
of some of the field commanders lead to needless deaths, sensational
headlines, and congressional hearings. Sen. George F. Hoar (R.,
Mass.) said that the United States "inculcated a hatred which
centuries cannot eradicate." Of course, a lot has happened
since then, particularly the occupation of the country by Japan
in World War II and the American commitment to the liberation of
the Philippines pursued doggedly by General MacArthur's son Douglas.
Nevertheless, some politicians have voiced concerns that Freedom
Eagle might be the first step in a renewed permanent U.S. presence.
Such fears
are unfounded. The United States is clearly extending the successful
experience of the Afghan conflict to the Philippines. U.S. troops,
mainly logistics, communications and elite forces, will provide
specialized support to the Philippine army and marines as they prosecute
operations against the guerrillas, in the same way allied special
forces supported the Northern Alliance and other Afghan groups against
the Taliban. It would not be surprising to see air power play an
important role, and, given the littoral terrain, naval assets may
also have a prominent place. The American forces are not the leading
cadres of a massive Vietnam-style buildup (as was insinuated yesterday
on one of the cable talk shows) but force multipliers for the indigenous
warriors, who after all are defending their own country and hence
are highly motivated. This is the genius of the Rumsfeld model,
which endeavors to attain maximum leverage from diverse and sophisticated
military capabilities; it seeks the employment of precisely the
right amount and, importantly, right type of force, exploiting
American technological dominance, and applying it with surgical
skill. So far, it works.
The ASG is
not the only guerrilla group active in the Philippines. Our troops
might also encounter members of the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF), Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF, currently in a state
of jihad with the government), the communist New People's
Army (NPA), and an Islamic splinter group specializing in kidnapping
improbably called the Pentagon. Whether any of these groups will
be targeted by the Filipinos may depend on their level of cooperation
with Abu Sayyef. The MILF has operated in the past with the ASG,
and has threatened U.S. forces to stay out of their areas of control,
so they may be good candidates for inclusion.
It is hard
to say if the American hostages will be freed or rescued. They are
in frail health, and one report indicated that the captives were
being moved from the island of Basilan to Mindinao, where they would
be much harder to find. Or the guerrillas might kill them out of
spite. On the other hand, the Taliban released their missionary
hostages, so there is always hope. But Freedom Eagle is not simply
or even primarily a rescue mission. Its purpose is to prevent the
southern Philippines from becoming another staging area for international
terror. Radical Muslim groups are also active in neighboring Malaysia,
Indonesia, and Singapore. Al Qaeda operatives have set up passport
forgery centers there to aid the flight of mujaheds from
Afghanistan and other parts of the world. Freedom Eagle is the type
of operation the United States will have to engage in to keep the
terrorists on the run and prevent them from coalescing in new nerve
centers to pursue their war against civilization. It promises to
be a low-cost, low-casualty, high-impact operation of relatively
brief duration. And when it is completed, our troops will depart,
taking with them (one hopes) the gratitude of our Filipino allies,
and two newly liberated citizens of Wichita.
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