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Sarkozy: Europe’s Proponent of Bush’s ‘Freedom Agenda’

To get a sense of how President Obama’s Libya (and Mideast) strategy is stuck in a foreign-policy rut, one only needs to look at how French president Nicolas Sarkozy seems to be the only formidable leader on the world stage. He proposed over a week ago pinpoint strikes targeting key Qaddafi military installations and a no-fly zone over Libya.

Moreover, his government was the first country to diplomatically recognize the Libyan opposition as the political successor to Qaddafi’s pariah regime.

Yet Western indifference prevailed and Qaddafi’s bloody air and ground campaign to wipe out opposition groups pressed forward at an astonishingly brisk pace. In the wake of yesterday’s U.N. Security Council vote authorizing military force, perhaps there is still a strong chance to evict Qaddafi and his gangster sons from power.

One highly disturbing footnote to the U.N. vote: The Merkel administration in Germany joined those “models of democracy,” Russia and China, and abstained from the vote to greenlight a no-fly zone over Libya and open the dam for possible military strikes. A second alarming footnote is that Germany’s immature foreign policy does not bode well for a showdown with stopping Iran’s drive to go nuclear. Iran’s rulers are closely monitoring the West’s reaction to Qaddafi’s crimes against humanity.

There was a time when French heads of state (and Germans like Gerhard Schröder) would publicly parade their anti-Americanism and destructive radical pacifism. “I have one simple principle in foreign affairs. I look at what the Americans are doing and then do the opposite. That way I can be sure I’m right,” former French president Jacque Chirac famously said. He and his foreign minister Dominique de Villepin made vehement efforts to sabotage George W. Bush’s plan to dislodge Iraqi despot Saddam Hussein.

So there is a certain amount of historical irony and role-reversal to be relished. Sarkozy is extending Bush’s “Freedom Agenda” and Obama has ostensibly embraced (over the last few weeks) the advice of Chirac. Sarkozy once said that the French secretly admire the Americans. He certainly appears to be a fan of American-style military force playing a prudent role to advance Western values and democracy.

The ever cagey Qaddafi, sensing France’s pivotal role, seeks to discredit Sarkozy’s government, claiming Sarkozy’s campaign relied on a Qaddafi slush fund to finance his election.

Lastly, Andrew C. McCarthy has made extraordinarily powerful arguments against intervention in Libya. In the final analysis, however, the U.S. has to reclaim its role as the leader on the global foreign-policy stage. The Qaddafi bloodbath is inherently linked with the Iran’s desire to continue with its lethal repression and nuclear-weapons program. And U.S. military power has proved the only reliable method to eradicate mass fascistic movements, whether Nazism, Soviet-style Communism, radical Islamism, or Qaddafism.

Benjamin Weinthal is a fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

New on The Corner. . .


COMMENTS   9

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   03/18/11 13:34

>"In the final analysis, however, the U.S. has to reclaim its role as the leader on the global foreign-policy stage."

Jog my memory - why does it have to do that again?

>"The Qaddafi bloodbath is inherently linked with the Iran’s desire to continue with its lethal repression and nuclear-weapons program."

Your grip on reality appears tenuous.

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Cata
   03/18/11 13:41

"Lastly, Andrew C. McCarthy has made extraordinarily powerful arguments against intervention in Libya. In the final analysis, however, the U.S. has to reclaim its role as the leader on the global foreign-policy stage."

Why? The point of the US policy is to protect the US interests, not to play a leader, regardless of that interest.

We should play a leader if and only if that serves our interest. This might often be the case but it's not necessarily the case.

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   03/18/11 13:45

My wife and I have a little joke about our relationship. Whenever she says, "We should do X," she really means, "I want you to do X.". We means me.

I don't admire Sarkozy's boldness when it's pretty clear "we" means "the United States." Otherwise, why didn't France strike a week ago? As we all know from when Reagan bombed Qaddafi, France is pretty darn close to Libya.

As I predicted yesterday, the UN resolution has increased the violence because Qaddaffi knows he needs to inflict as much damage as possible. He may not win, but he can kill enough people to make any UN action impotent. Not much need for a no-fly zone if most of the rebels are dead. He also knows that if he can get inside the urban areas, the "allies" will be reluctant to take him on out of fear of civilian casualties (any of which Qaddafi can blame on us even, and can count on an anti-American press to cover for him). Our best chance for some chest-thumping "Team America" Ooh-Rah was a week or two ago.

But I'm glad Satkozy and the UN are willing to be brave with our now subordinated trrops. They can always change their minds later and blame us if it doesn't go well.

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   03/18/11 13:51

Didn't our government spend the past 8 years rehabilitating Qaddafi aka Khadafi aka Gaddafi aka Gadhafi aka Gadaffi aka Colonel Crazy?
You know, trying to convince us that he no longer supported foreign terrorists, and he no longer aided those seeking weapons of mass destruction, and he no longer was overly involved in the Israel / Palestine dispute, and he was a reliable source of oil?
But, now, the same foreign policy consensus tells us it's in our national interest to "reclaim [our] role as the leader on the global foreign-policy stage" by bombing or invading him from office?
We have always been at war with Eastasia!
Long live Eurasia!

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Charles Pavlick
   03/18/11 14:17

"The Qaddafi bloodbath is inherently linked with Iran’s desire to continue with its lethal repression and nuclear-weapons program."

Cite, please.

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NoBookContract
   03/18/11 15:00

>Lastly, Andrew C. McCarthy has made extraordinarily powerful arguments against intervention in Libya. In the final analysis, however, the U.S. has to reclaim its role as the leader on the global foreign-policy stage.

Don't you just love it when someone appears to acknowledge "extraordinarily powerful arguments" and then blithely ignores them in the very next sentence? How very sophisticated. Mr. Weinthal wants us to think he is tossing McCarthy a manners bouquet, but in fact he is being disgustingly rude. If he has a counter-argument, he should make it. If not, he should go away.

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   03/18/11 15:25

"And U.S. military power has proved the only reliable method to eradicate mass fascistic movements, whether Nazism, Soviet-style Communism, radical Islamism, or Qaddafism."

What? U.S. military power was late to the European theater in WWII -- the Soviets bore the brunt of the effort to defeat the Nazis -- their method was surely at least as reliable. I can't think of any military action that eradicated "Soviet-style Communism" (except, perhaps, Grenada). I doubt many NRO readers would describe radical Islamism as having been eradicated.

All boilerplate.

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   03/18/11 16:50

Has Sarkozy met with the opposition? Have they appointed representatives?

Aparently he thinks he knows something that the rest of the world isn't privy to. And I'm inclined to agree. Total is drooling over the Libyan oil fields, and I suspect the current French prime minister's deal with (unknown leaders of) the rebels is going to make Chirac's Oil For Food travesty look downright civilized.

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   03/19/11 04:06

Hokkoda - I second all that. And for kicks I'll ask the question we all know the answer to: " What are France and the EU waiting for? Go ahead and take care of it!"

Typical of the EU and the UN. Leave the US with the criticism, cost and casualties of any military action.

Mr. Weinthal, I think there may be good counter arguments to what McCarthy wrote - that Ghaddafi needs to pay for his crimes against the US and that Libya is not Iraq or Afghanistan come to mind. Still, McCarthy may be right and as other posters have noted you failed to address any of what he wrote.

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