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escribing
the criminal-alien provisions being reviewed by the Supreme Court this
week, the American Civil Liberties
Union's website calls them "anti-immigrant laws" that in 1996
"tore down our national welcome sign to immigrants." The New
York Times touts the provisions as "actions Congress took against
legal aliens at the height of the national anti-immigrant fervor in 1996."
The AP says the law was "enacted five years ago amid what critics
call an anti-immigrant fervor."
These amazingly similar
descriptions wouldn't necessarily be suspicious, except that they are
comically false. It is a hard, cold fact that the criminal-alien provisions
at issue emanated from the most pro-immigrant office on Capitol Hill
Sen. Spencer Abraham's office. Indeed, it was Sen. Abraham who spearheaded
the fight against restrictions on legal immigration that same session.
Evidently, Abraham
did not assume "immigrant" was synonymous with "felon."
Nor did the Senate Judiciary Committee, which passed Abraham's criminal-alien
amendments in lopsided votes.
The ACLU claims the
change effected by the 1996 law required that immigrants convicted of
certain felonies be deported. No longer, the ACLU says, could criminal
aliens simply "pay their debt to society" and "go on with
their lives." The New York Times repeated the claim, stating:
"The legislation Congress approved ... required the deportation of
immigrants convicted of certain crimes."
Suppose you were
just born yesterday. Would you believe that immigrants who commit felonies
in this country were not subject to deportation until the 1996 Congress
thought of it? In fact, noncitizens whose conception of the American dream
was to come here and commit felonies had always been subject to deportation.
The problem was:
Deportable criminal aliens weren't being deported. Legal legerdemain had
so bollixed up the system that the Immigration and Naturalization Service
was deporting only about 4 percent of convicted criminal aliens per year.
Consequently, by
1996, roughly half a million deportable criminal aliens were happily residing
in the United States, committing new crimes and having illegitimate children
whom the criminals would then cite as "family" to avoid
deportation. Just a few years ago, a California congressman stated that
"in Los Angeles County, more than half of incarcerated illegal aliens
are rearrested within one year."
At the rate the INS
was deporting criminal aliens, it would have taken 23 years to deport
all the criminal aliens living in the United States assuming no
immigrant ever committed another felony. (Sometimes you have to dig a
little deeper than reading the ACLU's press release to get the all facts.)
What the 1996 law
did was reduce the copious "review" for orders of deportation
entered against convicted criminals. The criminal conviction itself was
still subject to every pointless, dilatory tactic permitted felons who
are U.S. citizens. But the order of deportation could no longer be gamed
to avoid deportation without end.
The AP insanely claimed
that the "legal question basically boils down to this: Do immigrants
living in the United States legally but without citizenship have the same
rights in federal courts as U.S. citizens?" Um, actually, we don't
need the Supreme Court to answer that. You just need to think about it
for two seconds to realize the answer is no. Immigrants can be
deported. Citizens even extremely undesirable citizens like reporters
can't be.
The only question
before the Supreme Court is whether Congress really meant to limit the
number of time-consuming administrative and court hearings that could
be demanded by criminal aliens before the INS deports them.
Also straight from
the ACLU website, the Times and AP recount various sob stories
about harmless felons about to be deported under a cruel and heartless
law. Typically the criminal offense is described as a "minor drug
charge" committed many years ago on a dare.
News stories about
criminals of any sort always have to be read like Manhattan real-estate
ads. If an elevator is not mentioned, it's a fifth-floor walk-up. If the
ad does not expressly say "grt vu," the apartment looks onto
a brick wall. If it doesn't state "bathtub," there isn't one.
The ACLU's lead plaintiff
the man the ACLU chose for their test case to challenge the law
is one Enrico St. Cyr. According to the Times, Enrico "entered
the United States legally in 1986 but was convicted of a drug charge early
in 1996." You can search the entire Lexis-Nexis archive and you won't
get more information than that on Enrico's crime.
In fact, despite
his notable accomplishment of having "entered the United States legally,"
Enrico is a major narcotics trafficker. He was already serving time on
one drug trafficking charge when he was sentenced to 10 years on another.
But you'd have to
look beyond the ACLU press release to know that.
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