Apology Not Accepted
"And so tonight I ask you. . . to repair the fabric of our national discourse." Leave aside the inapposite choice of words. A national discourse must begin with truth. President Clinton has had seven months to reconsider a lie he told the American public in a desperate moment. A too-forgiving nation gave him one more chance to set things right last night. Instead, he decided to compound the offense with more lies.

1. ". . . I answered [the independent counsel and grand jury's] questions truthfully, including questions about my private life, questions no American citizen would ever want to answer." The first lie. (If "Good evening" doesn't count.) By all accounts, Mr. Clinton did not answer some important questions at all--and if the rest of his speech is any indication, he certainly did not do so truthfully. Notice, by the way, that the previous Clinton formulation--"truthfully and completely"--has now been shaved. And contrary to Clinton's implication, prosecutions routinely ask personal questions of suspects and indeed other witnesses. And while it might be news to the president, most Americans would not have answers quite as aromatic as his.

2. "Still I must take complete responsibility for all my actions. . . ." This is complete responsibility in the Washington sense: it has no consequences whatsoever. Clinton will not resign, not agree to any penalty, not even acknowledge that his critics were telling the truth while his allies attacked them for doing so.

3. "And that is why I am speaking to you tonight." Clinton spoke only when it had become clear that the evidence of his lies had become incontrovertible. His comments last night should go down in history as "the DNA speech." His intent was to make his potential critics squeamish about demanding any more damaging admission by pretending to make one now. It was also to rally his supporters and define the controversy in self-serving terms. (See below.) Finally, it was to reinforce the public's desire to move on--i.e., to abandon the arduous task of insisting on the rule of law and political accountability.

4. ". . . While my answers [in the Jones deposition] were legally accurate, I did not volunteer information." This is not true even if one accepts Clinton's fabulous implicit contention that Monica Lewinsky could have sex with him even while he abstained from sex with her. Her testimony appears to contradict the factual basis for this theory. Besides, Clinton also testified that she had not had sex with him. Clinton also said that he could not recall ever being alone with her, giving her gifts, or talking about her subpoena--lies all.

5. ". . . at no time did I ask anyone to lie, to hide or destroy evidence, or to take any other unlawful action." All the circumstantial evidence on this points in the other direction. Clinton does not, by the way, deny having *suggested* lawbreaking.

6. "I know that my public comments and my silence about this matter gave a false impression. I misled people. . ." Gave a false impression? Misled people? Clinton did not "mislead" some people. He told a bald-faced lie to the American public. And then he used every means at his disposal--and a few that shouldn't have been--to thwart those trying to expose the truth.

7. "I deeply regret that. . . ."

8. "I was also very concerned about protecting my family. . . ." But not so concerned as not to have had the "relationship" in the first place. Has Clinton's family been protected by seven months of obvious and pathetic lies believed by only a third of the public? Clinton could have truly protected his family by withdrawing from public life in January, to his nation's gratitude.

9. "This has gone on too long, cost too much, and hurt too many innocent people." This comment, which would be true if Clinton were referring to his administration, comes after an attack on the independent counsel investigation. No mention is made of Clinton's stonewalling tactics--his failure for weeks to testify, his use of government lawyers to file frivolous claims of legal privilege, his withholding of evidence.

10. "Now this matter is between me, the two people I love most, my wife and our daughter, and our God. . . . it is private. And I intend to reclaim my family life for my family. It's nobody's business but ours. . . ." If "this matter" were merely Clinton's infidelities, that would be true. But this infidelity involved one of his lowliest (and youngest) subordinates. And the likelihood that Clinton has attempted to obstruct justice is no private matter. Nor is his abuse of his office for at least seven months.

11. "Now it is time, in fact it is past time, to move on." This is actually true: it is time to move on. To impeachment hearings.