WASHINGTON BULLETIN
November 22, 1999 6:00PM
APOLOGY TOUR '99
It is one of Bill Clinton's dubious achievements that a presidential candidate can no longer come out in favor of honor and dignity without being accused of a negative attack. President Clinton added to this achievement over the weekend in Greece. "When the junta took over in 1967 here, the United States allowed its interests in prosecuting the Cold War to prevail over its interests — I should say its obligations — to support democracy, which was, after all, the cause for which we fought the Cold War," he said. "It is important that we acknowledge that."

This, mind you, is a president who not two weeks ago was talking about the Cold War as though it were a time of moral simplicity and national unity. We are all Cold Warriors, at least after the fact. But then he goes to foreign soil to apologize for the decisions of the people who actually fought the Cold War.

In typical White House fashion, spokesman David Leavy insisted that this wasn't an apology at all. "This is not an apology," he said. "This is an affirmation of the president's views about supporting democracy." Well, it may not have been inscribed on a Hallmark card, but the newspapers all described Clinton as "contrite." Then again, genuine contrition for his own misdeeds is something this president has never shown. A better word, perhaps, would have been "shameless."

WHAT BUSH ACTUALLY SAID
"I think the governor read it very well." That was Pat Buchanan's review of George W. Bush's foreign policy speech, a review delivered during the Q&A after his own speech at the Cato Institute today. It's a measure of Bush's dominance of the presidential field that critics are now going after his advisers — as Buchanan went after Paul Wolfowitz today. Nobody's writing stories on Orrin Hatch's foreign-policy advisers.

If the governor read his speech very well, the same cannot be said of all of his respondents. To judge from critics such as Buchanan and from fans such as William Kristol and Robert Kagan, you would think Bush had issued some sort of neoconservative manifesto in favor of a benevolent American hegemony. When Kristol and Kagan describe Bush's speech as Reaganite, after all, they mean that it conforms to a particular definition of Reaganism in foreign policy that they have formulated.

Except that it doesn't conform to their distinctive views.

  1. Kristol and Kagan have scorned the notion that free trade promotes peace. But here's Bush, saying, "We believe, with Alexander Hamilton, that the 'spirit of commerce' has a tendency to 'soften the manners of men.'"

  2. K&K have opposed liberalized trade with China. Bush welcomed Chinese membership in the World Trade Organization: "Economic freedom creates habits of liberty. And habits of liberty creates expectations of democracy. . . . Trade freely with China, and time is on our side." Kristol has referred to this set of ideas as Marxist in its economic determinism.

  3. K&K reject the notion that America is overextended; Kagan has counseled conservatives to refrain from criticism even of unwise commitments abroad lest that criticism promote isolationism. Bush: "American internationalism should not mean action without vision, activity without priority, and missions without end — an approach that squanders American will and drains American energy."

  4. Kagan has criticized "Russophobia"; Bush condemned Russia's "corrupt and favored elite."

  5. Bush said that he would assert "a great principle: that the talents and dreams of average people — their warm human hopes and loves-should be rewarded by freedom and protected by peace. We are defending the nobility of normal lives, lived in obedience to God and conscience, not government." Kristol has explicitly rejected a traditional rhetoric of decency in favor of a rhetoric of national greatness.

It is not possible, then, to conclude that K&K have won the debate within the GOP over foreign policy. Bush's speech offered a foreign policy that is not: unilateralist, neoconservative, Wilsonian, imperialist, hegemonic, or isolationist. What it was, in a word, is conservative.

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Updated By:
Ramesh Ponnuru - Senior Editor
John J. Miller - National Political Reporter
Kate Dwyer - Editorial Associate

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