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Helms
Deep By
John J. Miller & Ramesh Ponnuru |
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An orgy of Helms-bashing in the press has already begun and will likely gather force. Helms has a mixed record on civil rights that can legitimately be criticized: He was a segregationist back when he was a Democrat, but it's also true that he was right to oppose most of the "civil rights" bills he opposed as a senator. But the critics don't stop there. He's also condemned for pioneering direct mail, which is bad because it supposedly injected partisan nastiness into a political system that hadn't been there before (i.e., it helped conservatives). His anti-abortion rhetoric has also "lowered standards for political civility," explains one critic, who goes on to announce with great civility that Helms is "terrifying," "only knows the politics of the truncheon," and "can barely the stomach the democratic process" — that last bit meaning that he sometimes blocks bills and nominations without floor votes, something that no other senator has apparently ever done. So far, the oddest comment Helms has elicited has been that of the Washington Post's Helen Dewar and Dan Balz. When they get around to discussing the influence Helms has had on U.S. foreign policy, they treat his views with a kind of antiseptic disgust, as if they were putting on gloves to remove a dead rodent from the garage. They observe that Helms is known for "opposition to what he regarded as leftist regimes in Latin America. He was a relentless foe of Cuban President Fidel Castro." Helms sees Castro as a leftist dictator, other people don't — it's all a matter of perspective. This is the kind of moral relativism that made it so hard for Helms and other Cold Warriors to do their jobs. In 1997, Fred Barnes wrote in the Weekly Standard that Helms is second only to Reagan as the most consequential conservative politician of his age. He's right. It remains the case that a conservative with a working spine and brain can accomplish a lot in the Congress. Which is why conservatives ought to bid Helms a fond farewell from the Senate — and, while they're at it, encourage Phil Gramm to stay there. The
Shrinking Surpluss The administration has several responses. 1) The total surplus is still the second largest in history. What the administration is saying here is essentially that the on budget surplus doesn't matter — that it's not important to run a surplus beyond the Social Security surplus. 2) Mitch Daniels, the budget director, noted that it was the Democrats who pushed for an expanded tax rebate this year. Indeed, they've complained that the letters accompanying the rebate check unfairly claim credit for Bush. So why are they now complaining about the effect of that rebate on the surplus? 3) In any case, the tax cut didn't reduce the surplus as much as last December's spending spree. The economic slowdown cut the surplus by $46 billion, tax rebates by an additional $40 billion, an accounting shift regarding corporate taxes by $28 billion, and some spending bills passed this year by $9 billion. Last December's appropriations bills increased spending by $50 billion-larger than any of these other factors. The administration's first response, coupled with a remark of Daniels, suggests that it may be breaking out of the absurd fiscal orthodoxy that has dominated Washington in the surplus era. Daniels said, "It is growth that produces surpluses, not vice-versa. And a return to economic growth will be the focus of the President and the administration in the months ahead." And
a Word from Zell Miller |