HELP


DNA: Is the 9th Circuit wrong?
 

With the recall now concluded, we on the left coast are now free to return to those more mundane forms of entertainment that sustained us in the days before Mr. Schwarzenegger announced his candidacy (fittingly enough) on The Tonight Show. Fortunately, we can always find diversion at Disneyland, the San Diego Zoo, and, with Halloween now approaching, the haunted house that is the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit.

All but lost in all the recall chatter was the news that the Ninth Circuit, to almost no one's surprise, had let loose another floater. The decision came in the case of United States v. Kincade, which concerned the collection of blood samples from federal parolees and probationers for inclusion in the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS), a national DNA database authorized by Congress in 1994. All 50 states have also passed legislation requiring DNA collection for inclusion into CODIS.

In September 1993, Thomas Kincade pled guilty to the federal crime of armed bank robbery, for which he was sentenced to 97 months in prison followed by three years of supervised release. During this supervised release, he was required to "follow the instructions of his probation officer" and refrain from committing "another Federal, state or local crime." After his release, Kincade was directed to provide a blood sample so that his DNA profile could be included in CODIS. He refused to provide the sample, and this was the basis for a finding by a district court judge that he had failed to comply with the conditions of his supervised release. He remained out of custody pending the result of his expedited appeal, and on October 2 a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit handed down its decision.

Judges Stephen Reinhardt and Richard A. Paez accepted Kincade's constitutional claim as put forth by his federal public defenders (Judge Diarmuid F. O'Scannlain, bless his Irish heart, dissented). The opinion, authored by Judge Reinhardt, held that "[b]lood extractions are searches for the purposes of the Fourth Amendment, and are subject to the normal Fourth Amendment requirements." In other words, authorities cannot obtain a blood sample for DNA testing absent the subject's consent or a search warrant based upon probable cause, regardless of the subject's status as a former prisoner on supervised release.

With this decision the majority ignores the distinctions long recognized by the courts between the full Fourth Amendment protections cloaking ordinary citizens and the diminished rights enjoyed by probationers and parolees. Just as important (and just as typical for the Ninth Circuit), the decision puts a thumb in the eye of Congress, whose clear intent in creating CODIS was to aid in the solving of future crimes and to deter such as Mr. Kincade from depositing their DNA where it is not welcome.

The questions raised by the existence of DNA databases such as CODIS are many, but they should be resolved by means of informed debate and democratic processes, not by fiats handed down from our robed masters.

Jack Dunphy is an officer in the Los Angeles Police Department. "Jack Dunphy" is the author's nom de cyber. The opinions expressed are his own and almost certainly do not reflect those of the LAPD management.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit has ruled that Thomas Kincade's constitutional right to protection from unreasonable searches and seizure was violated by having to submit a sample of his DNA to a federal database. Kincade, recently paroled after a stint in prison for armed robbery, refused to submit a DNA sample.

It would be easy to assume that the ruling was another example of Ninth Circuit judicial activism, but that would be a mistake. On the point in question — whether people on parole should be required to submit DNA samples to the federal Combined DNA Index System (the DNA database called CODIS) — the decision does not dramatically overreach, although it does, like other cases of this kind, avoid the thornier issues related to DNA databases.

Kincade's protest should serve more broadly as a warning about a technology that is popular, has expanded rapidly and, at times, irresponsibly, and whose most avid supporters have still not crafted adequate privacy protections or uniform standards for its use. On the issue of DNA databases, there are many unanswered questions and potential dangers.

As for the question before the Ninth Circuit, the law is clear that you can't conduct "suspicionless" searches for general law-enforcement purposes. Of course, the courts have determined that prisoners and even people on parole and probation have diminished rights, but as the Ninth Circuit notes in its decision, that doesn't mean they have no rights.

The status of DNA is far from a settled legal question. The courts haven't determined whether DNA is fundamentally different than a fingerprint or a blood sample. The invasiveness or harm of a DNA search, after all, doesn't occur only at the moment when blood is drawn or a cheek is swabbed; it can happen years later, when a DNA sample is analyzed to find evidence of a particular genetic condition such as Alzheimer's disease or (to gaze further into the future) perhaps a genetic marker for aggressiveness or violence to use as a more scientifically savvy version of the "twinkie defense."

Most Americans believe that the DNA at issue in these cases is just like a fingerprint — a harmless source of identification. But DNA is fundamentally different from a fingerprint — it is much more revelatory. This has led to misunderstanding about the benefits and dangers of DNA and DNA databases. The DNA stored in these databases is called, incorrectly, "junk" DNA, because it is supposed to reveal only your unique genetic identity, not the details of your entire genome. But junk DNA does not merely serve as a unique identifier; it can also reveal genetic predispositions for conditions such as Type I diabetes.

As well, these databases are not institutions tested — and tempered — by the passage of time. The first conviction using DNA evidence came in 1987. Within a decade, every state had established a DNA database — all with their own rules. But although the analysis of DNA evidence has proven to be an extraordinarily useful addition to traditional police work, the verdict is still out on the effectiveness of DNA databases.

Some legislators are beginning to consider these problems. The same week the Ninth Circuit's decision came down, the Massachusetts legislature postponed a vote that would have expanded its DNA database to include every convicted felon in the state.

A go-slow approach is the right idea. In our haste to make our streets safer, we have not taken appropriate care to craft an effective but limited tool for law enforcement. We risk creating a genuine threat to liberty.

— Christine Rosen is a fellow at the Ethics & Public Policy Center. She wrote about DNA databases in the Spring 2003 issue of The New Atlantis: A Journal of Technology & Society.

 
 

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