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few somewhat connected thoughts on my mind. Please bear with me
during this extra-long column for yet another
one of those
"very" special announcements at its conclusion.
Bush's
Race Gambit
The White House gathering on Thursday, March 29 may turn out to
be the most significant of George W. Bush's presidency. An overstatement?
Perhaps. On the surface, the event that brought about 125 black
Americans to the nation's most important bit of real estate could
be categorized (and dismissed) as just another political "outreach"
event on behalf of a Republican president. During the campaign,
cynics — and liberals — were quick to accuse Bush of reaching
out to the black community just to woo moderate whites. There may
have been some of that, but isn't there a possibility that Bush
was doing it because he genuinely believed he might actually win
some black support — and that it's the right thing to do?
Still, Bush
received only 9 percent of the African-American vote (the lowest
of any Republican presidential candidate in 36 years), so it's understandable
that speculation revolves around why he is spending so much time
with a group that seems hostile to his overtures?
But, just about
any action by a politician can be found to have certain cynical
motives. That's the nature of the game. Good motives don't always
produce good results (a politician can be misguided), but one can
still hold out hope that occasionally an individual committed to
public service might truly have society's best interests at heart.
Regardless,
Bush's White House gathering demonstrated that he had avoided the
mistakes of previous Republicans of national influence who had set
out on the GOP's Outreach Trail to Heartbreak Ridge. Those assembled
included a mixture of black "community" leaders along
with black conservative activists. The former group included presidents
of historically black colleges and universities, ministers, and
farmers. The latter group included such free-market veterans as
Robert Woodson, Star Parker, and Roy Innis.
Previously,
Republicans have made the mistake of thinking that they do "outreach"
by trying to co-opt the civil-rights leadership. Former Speaker
Newt Gingrich never heard the end of it when he invited Jesse Jackson
to sit in his box at the 1996 State of the Union. Black conservative
activists rightly felt insulted at what they saw as a snub in favor
of a man who is clearly a partisan Democrat. On the other hand,
black conservatives face the problem of credibility within their
own communities. Despite their intellectual forthrightness and entrepreneurial
spirit, they rarely lead organizations as broad-based or influential
as the NAACP or (at least in its heyday) Operation Push. Thus, it
became easy for black conservatives to be dismissed as tokens or
front men for the "evil" right-wing agenda.
Thus, Bush
brought together a mixed group that might produce a coalition with
which he can work. There were no Jesse Jacksons or Kweisi Mfumes
or Al Sharptons at this event. For that matter, there wasn't even
a Hugh Price who heads up the more moderate Urban League. But the
HBCU presidents, farmers, ministers, and businessmen were certainly
legitimate community leaders. And the activists were appropriately
rewarded for years of loyal service.
The result
was the rather odd sight of a Republican president addressing a
black group and getting the same high level of applause in calling
for both a large tax cut and an end to racial profiling. Under "normal"
circumstances, white conservatives would have applauded the former
and perhaps not the latter (assuming they could agree whether it
exists); black liberals would have done just the opposite. But,
Bush's statement suggests a small but significant movement from
a Republican leader. Bush may recognize at last that, in addition
to preaching the GOP platform, he must also speak to the unique
concerns of a particular audience. In other words, treat a potential
black electorate just as he would any other group.
The prototype
for what George W. Bush is trying to create may very well be Shannon
Reeves. At 33, Reeves is the president of the Oakland NAACP. He
also happens to be Secretary of the California Republican Party.
He has respect from his constituents in both organizations. He cautions
that black Republicans must have credibility within their own communities
before they can "cross over" into GOP politics. Reeves
has done it personally. Only time will tell whether he is able to
produce electoral success for the California GOP. Given the results
of the latest census, such a victory will have to contain some elements
of a multi-racial coalition.
Creating
An Honest Dialogue
It is, simply, important for the country as a whole that minorities
have influence across both the major parties. For society's racial
polarization is only exacerbated by the racial divide found in the
parties — and vice versa.
Blacks think
maybe too much about race; whites, perhaps not enough. Moreover,
the party that holds the votes of a majority or increasing plurality
of a specific race finds itself expressing the overall sentiment
of that group. Thus, Democrats and liberals see evidence of racial
unfairness to minorities everywhere (the glass is half-empty--to
say nothing of the glass ceiling in place). Republicans and conservatives,
in turn, admit that "racism exists, but … " —
by which they mean that it has seriously been eliminated as an everyday
force in the lives of most minorities (the glass is more than half-full).
Yet, many minorities wonder if conservatives would recognize racism
if they saw it.
The diffusion
of minorities between the parties would enable blacks — especially
— to leverage their political power for their own aims. But,
it would also, hopefully, create political coalitions that might
produce a genuine dialogue through race, rather than just "on"
it.
Special
Announcement
Yep, it's special-announcement time. For reasons having nothing
to do with the heartfelt comments above, this column marks an important
change in my relationship with NRO. After a full year of approximately
three columns a week — not counting the random NRO Weekend
cultural essay, awards show or movie review, and the occasional
"Dissent" (which this column was, sort of) — your
erstwhile Ragged Thotster is pulling back for a bit. With a variety
of exciting opportunities presenting themselves (like that show
on the News Network Formerly Known as Clinton), this appeared to
be the perfect time to do something a little different. And, hey,
it's not like I don't already have a day job.
This, of course,
does not mean I'll be that far away. Expect the occasional NRO column
every other week or so — provided Jonah's not too ticked at
me! Many thanks to Rich Lowry for approaching me to produce a "New
York Wire" right before the Empire State's presidential primary
last March. That grew into the work you see before you. It was 12
months with Hillary & Rudy, George & Al (Who is he? The
answers were endless); Bill (of course); Elian and Fidel; Joe Lieberman;
Jon Corzine; Lowry's favorite Senator, Chuck Hagel; Granny Goodness
(For NRO Weekend, at some point I shall produce my promised examination
of why so many comic book fans/boys become conservatives) and on
and on.
To all of those
who've supported this space with helpful comments and suggestions
(especially the Ohio brigade!!), you have my enduring gratitude.
Passover and
Holy Week salutations all around!!
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