5/03/00 1:05 p.m.
Voices Carry
To criticize the public, one must first try to understand it.

Robert A. George is an editorial page writer
for the New York Post---------------------------------------------RAGGEDmail@aol.com

 

kay, okay. Everyone can calm down. One would think that an article that brings together Mark Twain, Alexandre Dumas, Star Trek and Lost In Space would be taken with a grain of salt. But suddenly, people are looking at the previous edition of Ragged Thots as the declaration of civil war.

Take my word for it, Rich Lowry and I are, and will remain, good friends. He has not been replaced by an evil twin (to the many Trekkers who wrote in, please rest assured that we've checked it out — there is indeed no hidden scratch on Mr. Lowry's face). In fact, the good Editor of NR has my everlasting gratitude for providing this particular forum. The last few days have given us both the opportunity for a little good-natured fun. And even though your columnist works for the New York Post, he and Mr. Lowry are not about to recreate the famous Alexander Hamilton-Aaron Burr duel. Or 2Pac and the Notorious B.I.G., for that matter.

As relatively light-hearted as our jousting was, it raises a larger point that deserves further comment.

Mr. Lowry's "Stray Thot" response to my column concludes that "the public's position on Elian is understandable, but simplistic and ill-informed." Conservatives need to be very careful when trying to assess the viewpoints of the public. One sad legacy from eight years of Bill Clinton is that conservatives tend to doubt Americans — or dismiss their views as evidence of a visceral corruption. This was most obvious during impeachment. William Bennett wrote his book The Death of Outrage on this theme. A few years earlier, Robert Bork produced Slouching Towards Gomorrah. Judge Bork also participated in the First Things symposium, which openly wondered whether the American "regime" was still legitimate. Today, conservative bulletin boards regularly refer to the public with derisive terms such as "sheeple."

Now, the philosophy of conservatism has always stood apart from the mainstream. In "Who's Yelling 'Stop!' Now?" Jonah Goldberg quotes from the 1955 NR charter in its affirmation that conservatism stands "athwart history, yelling Stop, at a time when no one is inclined to do so, or to have much patience with those who do." It is one thing to stand apart from the public and the trends of the day. It is something else, however, to stand in complete contempt of the choices and opinions of that public. In its worst form, it is politically suicidal.

Similarly, a conservative politician — or even a Republican — shouldn't be governed by polls, but shouldn't automatically ignore them either. Like he has everything else he has come in touch with, Clinton has corrupted polling. Whatever the circumstance — whether it's where to take a vacation or at what point to seize Elian Gonzalez — Clinton polls and then acts, all in order to remain popular. Thus, the president always "wins" a given political game because, aside from never taking a real risk, he doesn't act until he has figured out how the game will be perceived at the end. The "vox populi" resonates within Clinton and he bounces it right back.

On impeachment, conservatives bravely persevered, despite the polls, using the Constitution as support. Battered in the court of public opinion as they were, the Republican argument on the "rule of law" was both a weapon and a shield. Despite the Clinton machine and much of the media saying that this was "just about sex," the clarity of the GOP position was helpful. A year later, several polls indicate that the public has come around to the Republican view.

However, no such weapon or shield existed in the Elian Gonzalez saga. It demonstrates that not every political controversy is a Gotterdammerung of constitutional proportions. Opposition to Communism is an honorable position; in the absence of a clear geopolitical "Cold War" environment, however, it is not enough to counter the natural sentiment in favor of a father's rights.

Conservative politicians should not be slaves to public opinion, but they must at least attempt to understand where the public is in its general "worldview." This may be one legacy of Bill Clinton worth examining. The Slick One has polled the country to such an extent that he knows it intimately (enough snickering). This may very well be Bill Clinton's America, but it is not because he has corrupted it to his vision. It is because he knows the nation better than any other politician. Like a master military strategist or sports coach, Clinton "scouts" out the territory before venturing into battle.

It would not be the worst thing in the world for conservatives who wish to persuade an "ill-informed" public to become informed themselves on exactly who that public is.