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September
10, 2003, 8:45 a.m.
Transformer
A perennial
political charge resurfaces on the Democratic campaign trail.
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"A foolish
consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen
and philosophers and divines." Ralph Waldo Emerson
"The only
completely consistent people are dead." Aldous Huxley
nconsistency
may be a common trait among the simple-minded or the living, but it's
also one of the most reliable targets on the campaign trail.
One of the lingering
effects of last week's Democratic debate was a sudden ratcheting up of charges
of "flip-flopping," mostly among Gov Howard Dean of Vermont, Sens.
Joe Lieberman of Connecticut, and John Kerry of Massachusetts.
Lieberman told the
Associated Press he would have criticized Kerry as being ambivalent about
the war in Iraq during the 90-minute debate. "Now is not the time
for rookies, nor cowboys, nor wafflers," Lieberman said. His spokeswoman,
Kristin Carvelle, charged that "Senator Kerry has a bad habit of
changing his position to what he thinks a particular audience wants to
hear, and that's not fair."
Lieberman also accused
Dean of flip-flopping on some of his positions. Appearing on CBS's Face
the Nation, the Connecticut senator charged that Dean "has got
to let the American people know exactly where he stands."
Kerry's campaign
staffers seethed at the charge of inconsistency from Lieberman, who they
contend is an unparalleled quick-change artist, morphing from a iconoclastic
centrist to a party-line liberal when Al Gore selected him as his running
mate. They pointed to a long list of Lieberman's sudden policy shifts
in 2000:
A Washington Times editorial from Oct. 5, 2000: "Perhaps Mr.
Lieberman's most disgraceful flip-flop was his obsequious appearance at
a Hollywood fund-raiser in September. Last year, Mr. Lieberman declared,
'If they continue to market death and degradation to our children and
pay no heed to the carnage, then one way or another, the government will
act.' At the Hollywood fund-raiser, within days of a Federal Trade Commission
report that confirmed Hollywood had indeed been marketing its death and
degradation to children, Mr. Lieberman told the perpetrators, who had
just contributed $4.2 million to the Democratic Party, 'Al and I have
tremendous regard for this industry,' adding, 'I promise you this: We
will never, never put the government in the position of telling you by
law, through law, what to make. We will noodge you, but we will never
become censors.'"
As the late Michael Kelly pointed out in his Washington Post column
of Aug. 23, 2000: "On privatizing Social Security by allowing workers
to invest some portion of their taxes in the stock market, Lieberman had
this to say in a 1998 interview with the San Diego Union-Tribune:
'I would support that. . . . We now have decades-long history of an average
10 percent return on stocks. . . . So, yes, I would support it. . . .
It doesn't make sense anymore not to do that with this enormous investment
pool that we're supposed to have for Social Security. . . . I think in
the end that individual control of part of the retirement/Social Security
funds has got to happen.' In an interview on Aug. 8, 2000 with Larry King,
Lieberman maintained that it was 'not true' that he had ever favored privatization
of Social Security; he had merely been 'intrigued' by the idea."
Kelly, again: "On affirmative action, Lieberman has a clear record
of opposition to group preferences. Lieberman supported Ward Connerly's
Proposition 209 to abolish state-funded racial group preference programs
in California. 'I can't see how I could be opposed to it,' he said. 'It
basically is a statement of American values . . . and says we shouldn't
discriminate in favor of somebody based on the group they represent.'
On the first day of the convention, in his first planned appearance, Lieberman
told the Democratic National Committee's black caucus that 'there's been
misunderstanding' of his opposition to affirmative action. He said: 'I
have supported affirmative action, I do support affirmative action and
I will support affirmative action.'"
The Washington Times also charged that Liebermans' support for
school vouchers "went out the window as he joined Gore in the schoolhouse
door, blocking the exit of millions of disadvantaged students forced to
endure the big cities' failed school systems."
In the Aug. 13, 2000 Hartford Courant, former Conn. state Rep.
Jonathan Pelto lashed into his state's senator with a wicked wit: "I
always felt if Mattel could have copyrighted him, he could have been one
of the best-selling Transformers
If you look in the dictionary under
'morphing,' there is a picture of Joe Lieberman."
Lieberman's shifts and adjustments to Gore's agenda brought surprisingly
tough criticism from the Washington Post's editorial board. "[T]he
Joe Lieberman introduced to the American people in Tennessee is not the
Democratic vice presidential candidate now on the campaign trail. Sen.
Lieberman's earliest champions have had to swallow deeply as they watched
him waffle on . . . issues on which he had shown a refreshing willingness
to stand up for what he believes." Michael Kelly nicknamed him "The
Human Pretzel."
The problem with
Kerry's attack on Lieberman's 2000 contortions is that the Connecticut
senator will have an easy defense that as the vice-presidential
nominee, he had a duty to avoid contradicting Gore's positions. Kerry's
vote in support of the use of force in Iraq, and his subsequent criticism
of the war, may appear to be a much fresher contradiction in the minds
of Democratic voters.
The candidate who
may appear most vulnerable to the flip-flopping attack is Dean. Joe
Klein, Time magazine columnist and author of Primary Colors,
appeared to be falling out of love with the Vermont "maverick"
already this week. Ripping the governor's performance in last week's debate,
Klein found Dean's awkward performance and his slipperiness on bringing
troops home from Iraq and trade protectionism to be, "a rare moment
of indecision in what has been a steamroller campaign."
"Dean turns
out to be a flagrantly political anti-politician," Klein concluded
(a view I wrote more about in the Aug. 11 issue of National Review).:
"As his campaign
gains altitude, he seems to change a position a week. In the debate, he
changed two first on American troops in Iraq, then on American
labor standards on trade. Before that, he trimmed his honorable position
on raising the age of eligibility for Social Security and his support
for lifting the embargo on Cuba. Dean still proudly struts his pro-gun
stance in the anti-gun Democratic Party, but as often as not he points
out the political efficacy of that position in the red states. The question
is: How many of Dean's positions are negotiable? As victory becomes a
possibility, how much integrity will he compromise to win? Another question:
How long before Dean's tough talk the apparent candor that propelled
his charge begins to seem arrogant, uninformed, unpresidential?"
Jim Geraghty, a reporter for States News Service, is a frequent contributor
to NRO.
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