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ttorney
General Ashcroft got himself in trouble with the media recently when he
asked for the expenditure of $8,000 for a drape to cover the exposed breast
of a Lady Justice statue at the Department of Justice. Ashcroft, a very
conservative Christian, didn't feel comfortable having to give press conferences
in front of a partially unclad woman. But rather than being mocked for
prudishness, Ashcroft could have been celebrated as a vanguard of sensitive
p.c. feminism if he had merely explained that he was covering the statue
in order to prevent sexual harassment. Over the last decade, statues and
paintings all over America have been removed at the insistence of the
p.c. police.
"Lady Justice" is the age-old representation of the spirit of
Justice as a woman with the scales of justice in one hand, and a sword
in the other. She is often wearing a blindfold, to show her impartiality.
The image probably derives
from the Greek goddess Themis and the Roman goddess Justia. Lady
Justice paintings and statues are ubiquitous in the Western legal
world. Often as in the state flag of Virginia and in the Department
of Justice statue she is portrayed with one breast partly or completely
exposed.
Unfortunately, because of twisted, unjust applications of federal law,
great statues and paintings everywhere are coming under attack.
Back in 1964, when Congress passed the Civil Rights Act and outlawed workplace
discrimination against women, nobody expected that the law would suppress
statues or paintings. Similarly, the bill's sponsor Hubert H. Humphrey
proclaimed that he would eat every page of the bill if anyone could point
to a single sentence which would force employers to use racial quotas.
But as it turned out, quotas have become pervasive, and great works of
art are being chased out of public and private forums.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlaws job-based sex discrimination
such as paying a woman less just because she is a woman, or refusing to
hire a woman because of her sex. Decades later, Catherine MacKinnon led
a successful campaign to have courts declare that sexual harassment
demanding sexual favors from an employee was a form of sex discrimination
outlawed by the 1964 Act.
Then, in the case of Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards
a federal district court forbade a company to allow employees to display
"sexually suggestive, sexually demeaning, or pornographic" material
in the workplace. "Sexually suggestive" was defined as any depiction
of "a person of either sex who is not fully clothed . . . and who
is posed for the obvious purpose of displaying or drawing attention to
private portions of his or her body." Thus, employers who hired,
paid, and promoted women on exactly the same standards as men, and who
vigilant in ensuring that female employees were not pressured to have
sex, were put on notice that just by allowing free speech on their premises,
they could be guilty of "sexual harassment."
Attacks on art weren't unknown prior to the Robinson decision.
For example, in 1986, Los Angeles County officials had complained that
a nude male sculpture at the County Hall of Justice and Records "might
interfere with programs on sexual harassment, and asked that the statue
be covered.
That same year, prison managers in Massachusetts removed a copy of Renoir's
"Bather" from an inmate's cell, for the stated purpose of protecting
the feelings of female prison employees.
But after Robinson, when objections were raised about works of
art, skittish lawyers had to tell their clients that there was indeed
a legal risk that the nude human form could be considered sexual harassment.
At the Pennsylvania State University, a female professor complained that
a copy of Francisco Goya's painting "Naked
Maja" hanging in a classroom constituted sexual harassment. "Whether
it was a Playboy centerfold or a Goya," whined the professor (who
was herself later accused of sexual harassment), "what I am discussing
is that it's a nude picture of a woman which encourages males to make
remarks about body parts." Afraid of a lawsuit, the school removed
the painting.
As the North Dakota Employment Law Letter explained in its November 1997
issue, "the Goya incident illustrates that workplace conduct
and, yes, even paintings that once may have been considered acceptable
may no longer be."
Lower Columbia College,
in southwestern Washington state, celebrated the new anti-painting spirit
with a memo from its Affirmative Action Officer (Sept. 25, 1995):
During the past
few months, complaints have been filed with me regarding various forms
of art posted on campus and the sexual harassment felt by members of
the campus community when they view the art. In order to provide a work
and learning atmosphere free from harassment and intimidation, and to
protect the college and all employees from costly legal defense resulting
from sexual harassment and discrimination claims, I remind you that
it is college policy that employees and students shall be provided a
place to work and study that is absent an intimidating, hostile, or
offensive environment.... Staff members and students will be expected
to comply with [the affirmative action officer's] request or with the
president's decision regarding removal of bothersome pieces of art in
the interest of protecting the college and the accused employee or student
from claims of discrimination and harassment, and in the interest of
providing a harassment-free working and learning environment.
Vermont tends to
consider itself a quite progressive state but the state government
was years ahead of John Ashcroft in covering up works of art. In 1993,
female employees in a state office building complained that they were
being sexually harassed by a mural of Christopher Columbus arriving in
the New World, because the painting depicted native women without shirts.
State officials hung bedsheets over the harassing mural.
The Central Intelligence Agency is supposed to be led by courageous people
who defend American freedom. But in 1993, when the CIA planned a headquarter
display of paintings by the artist
Carmen Trujillo, and some employees objected that some of the paintings
showed women's breasts, and were thus "verging on sexual harassment,"
the Agency's leadership meekly cancelled the exhibition.
The Montana Human
Rights Commission, apparently unaware that the First Amendment is a human
right, produced a document titled "Model Equal Employment Opportunity
Policy: A Guide for Employers." The guide explained that "Examples
of prohibited sexual harassment include, but are not limited to: ....
Displays of magazines, books, or pictures with a sexual connotation."
Thus, a mere "sexual connotation" was being transformed into
"sexual harassment." Of course, the "connotation"
could be purely in the antagonistic, mean-spirited minds of the readily
offended.
In 1992 in Spokane, Washington, a painting in the city-hall gallery, "Art
of Birth," depicted Mother Earth giving birth to a child who was
poisoned by industrial chemicals. The painting was denounced as "a
form of sexual harassment."
At the University of Nebraska, a graduate student put on his desk a 5x7
photograph of his wife in a bikini. Some coworkers felt sexually harassed
by the picture, and the school ordered the photo's removal.
Had the University of Nebraska stood up for the graduate student's rights,
the University might have lost in court. In the 1997 case In re Grievance
of Butler (697 A.2d 659 [Vt. 1997]), the Vermont supreme court ruled
that "a poster ... of a woman in a skimpy bikini" could be harassment,
because "the posting or display of any sexually oriented materials
in common areas that tend to denigrate or depict women as sexual objects
may serve as evidence of a hostile environment."
In Dayton, Titian's "
Venus of Urbino" was vandalized and then removed when "employees
felt they were being sexually harassed by the painting."
Following a female employee's complaint of sexual harassment, government
officials Menlo Park, California, got rid of an art exhibit consisting
of woodcuts showing scenes from "Romeo and Juliet" and from
stories about Greek gods and goddesses.
Through the tool of a "sexual harassment" complaint, a single
person can impose her narrow tastes on an entire community. In Murfreesboro,
Tennessee, the city government placed a collection of paintings by artist
Maxine Henderson in the city-hall rotunda. One painting, "Gwen,"
portrayed a seated nude woman with part of her breast visible.
Public-school employee Laurie Crowder didn't work at city hall, but when
she passed through the rotunda one day on the way to meeting, she saw
"Gwen." She promptly filed a lawsuit against the city. Her complaint
stated she considers "'art' in any form whether it be a painting,
a Greek statute, or a picture out of Playboy which displays genitals,
buttocks and/or nipples of the human body to be pornographic."
As matter of law, Ms. Crowder was dead wrong. The Supreme Court's legal
definition of obscenity states that the work in question must lack "serious
literary, artistic, political, or scientific value" and must appeal
"to prurient interest."
The city attorney recognized that "Gwen" was not legally obscene.
Nevertheless, he concluded that the painting was contrary to the city's
sexual-harassment policy. He personally took the painting down.
Notwithstanding the duty of every attorney to defend the Constitution
of the United States, the city attorney explained: "I feel more comfortable
siding with protecting the rights under the Title VI sexual harassment
statutes than ...under the First Amendment." Since "Gwen"
in the painting is apparently at home rather than at work, the painting
constituted sexual harassment, according to the city attorney: "Historically,
our society thought women should be in the home or in the bedroom, as
opposed to in the workplace. So anything that sends that message is a
violation" of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
Fortunately, Ms. Henderson sued the city about the removal of her painting,
and she won the case.
Yet the city attorney explained why, for most employers, knowingly violating
the First Amendment presents a much smaller legal risk than acceding to
any and every nitwit's complaint about being sexually harassed by a work
of art: "This judgment was for $1 and costs. A sexual harassment
judgment usually has six zeros behind it. Quite frankly, I'm an advocate
of the First Amendment, but a very conservative lawyer when it comes to
giving advice."
In the majority of cases, sadly, there is no-one like Ms. Henderson to
stick up for the First Amendment. The artist may be dead (like Goya) or
may not have the resources to take a case to trial.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964, of course, outlawed sexual discrimination,
not works of art. But federal courts have twisted the law to apply not
just to actual discrimination, but also to a "hostile or abusive
work environment" which can be created though "severe or pervasive"
speech regarding sex.
Because no-one can tell in advance what a jury or an EEOC enforcement
officer will consider "severe or pervasive" or "hostile
or abusive," employers are forced to censor broadly, as a protective
maneuver. While a single work of art might not be "pervasive",
it could be considered "severe," and if an employee sends a
risqué joke to someone via the office e-mail, the painting plus
the e-mail might considered "pervasive." So defensive employers
respond by shutting down speech across the board.
This is precisely the problem identified by a 1964 U.S. Supreme Court
case striking down a vague loyalty oath: people must " steer far
wider of the unlawful zone' than if the boundaries of the forbidden areas
were clearly marked. Those . . . sensitive to the perils posed by indefinite
language, avoid the risk . . . only by restricting their conduct to that
which is unquestionably safe." Yet it is the U.S. Supreme Court itself
which created the art-destroying vague standards of "sexual harassment"
law.
UCLA Law Professor Eugene Volokh, on his website Freedom
of Speech vs. Workplace Harassment Law A Growing Conflict,
explains how workplace harassment laws are being used to stifle not only
artistic expression, but religious, political, and other speech at the
core of the First Amendment.
As attorney general, Mr. Ashcroft has the legal authority to have Lady
Justice re-clothed even though I hope his successor undrapes Lady
Justice, and installs some outstanding nudes at the DOJ offices. The problem
at the Department of Justice isn't Lady Justice; the problem is that the
Department of Justice in recent administrations, both Republican and Democratic,
has allowed and abetted the perversion of the Civil Rights Act of 1964
into a censorship law. Hubert Humphrey, Robert F. Kennedy, and the other
great civil libertarians who fought for this law never intended such a
grotesque result. Sworn to defend the Constitution from all enemies, Attorney
General Ashcroft should reverse the misguided policies of his recent predecessors,
and fight to enforce the Civil Right Act so that it stops discrimination,
not paintings and statues.
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