Functional McCarthyism
A cowardly and weak-minded way to argue.

February 6, 2001 3:55 p.m.

 

"[W]ho, exactly, was branding Ashcroft a racist?" — Nicholas Confessore, The American Prospect, Feb. 26, 2001

"I don't have a problem calling him a racist." Time magazine columnist Jack E. White, on Ashcroft, CNN, January 25, 2001

or a quick peek at the ongoing intellectual degradation of

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the Left, look up Nicholas Confessore's article on John Ashcroft in the latest issue of The American Prospect.

Confessore reveals an interesting twist in the controversy over Attorney General John Ashcroft: "[O]ne side seemed especially eager to discuss his putative racism, while the other side eschewed the matter. But it was surprising that his defenders were the eager ones."

By the end of the nomination fight, Ashcroft critics were indeed trying to distance themselves from the idea that Ashcroft is a racist — because their initial, outright smear job against him was so indefensible. Maybe Confessore missed the charges of racial bias against Ashcroft that came from all liberal quarters, from the lunatic fringe (Maxine Waters: "Sen. Ashcroft acts like a racist, walks like a racist, and talks like a racist"), to the supposedly respectable civil-rights establishment (Jesse Jackson on Ashcroft's Ronnie White vote: "It was an appeal to race"), to the White House (Bill Clinton on the White vote: "strong evidence for those who believe the Senate treats minority and women judiciary nominees unequally").

Confessore quotes Democratic Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy, gaveling to order the first day of Ashcroft hearings: "This is not about whether Sen. Ashcroft is racist, anti-Catholic, anti-Mormon, or anything else. Those of us who have worked with him in the Senate do not make that charge." Well, that didn't stop Leahy from making exactly that charge, or at least strongly hinting at it, after the White vote: "I would hope that the United States has not reverted to a time in its history when there was a color test on nominations." Why would Leahy have to express such an earnest hope unless Ashcroft's opposition to White were tinged with an old-fashioned racial bias?

So, what made Leahy change his tune? During the course of the nomination battle, the charge of racism proved so outrageous — Ashcroft had supported about two dozen black nominees to the federal bench, etc., etc. — that, in effect, it went underground. Ashcroft critics stopped explicitly accusing him of racism and instead began indirectly accusing him of racism, because his positions are "insensitive" and black groups oppose them. This is an entirely new, looser, and more subjective definition of racism that doesn't depend on actually having any animus toward blacks.

For liberals, it is a great boon. It makes it possible to call just about any conservative a racist, while at the same time denying doing any such thing. My favorite example of this liberal two-step at work is Time magazine's hired racemonger Jack E. White. In a column, he wrote — as so many Ashcroft critics did — that the senator was "insensitive": "Ashcroft's positions on civil rights issues are about as sensitive as a hammer blow to the head." But, remember, "no one" is calling Ashcroft a racist! When I later asked White on CNN why he didn't have the guts to just come straight out and call Ashcroft a racist, he fessed up: "I will call him a racist. I don't have a problem calling him a racist." At least he's (belatedly) honest.

Confessore writes in defense of this new and improved standard for racism: "In politics a functional definition of
This is a cowardly and weak-minded way to argue. It's a shame that The American Prospect — and, for that matter, The New Republic — aren't above it.
racism is ultimately more useful than Bush's what's-in-your-heart definition." Confessore supports his case with a tendentious history of recent Republican politics. In the 1980s, according to Confessore, the GOP was all about pandering "to racists, quasi-racists, and crypto racists." (He leaves out secret racists, closeted racists, underground racists, and in-denial racists — probably for reasons of space.) Republicans did this with those famous "wedge" issues.

Now, it would be nice if Confessore would actually explain what was racist about those issues — but he doesn't, because he can't. The two foremost wedge issues were, of course, crime and welfare. It so happens that Republicans were right on the merits of those issues for 30 years, and there is now a national consensus around them that has helped produce the foremost social advances of the last decade: the reduction in crime and the decline of welfare rolls (both of which have benefited black people — but let's not get bogged down in those messy details). Perhaps Confessore's next piece will condemn Bill Clinton, our "first black president," for appealing to "quasi-racists" when he co-opted these Republican wedge issues. ("We're all quasi-racists now.")

The "quasi-racist" argument has about it a strong whiff of McCarthyism. To wit: Because David Duke agrees with Republican positions on crime and welfare, those positions are racist. Of course, the relevant question is not whether David Duke agrees with Republicans, but whether Republicans agree with Duke. They don't. An analogous argument near the end of the Vietnam War would have been: The North Vietnamese agree with the Democrats' positions on the war, therefore those positions are Communist. This is a cowardly and weak-minded way to argue. It's a shame that The American Prospect, and for that matter, The New Republic, (which thinks Ashcroft may be a racist even though it admits he is quite possibly right on the merits of various race-related issues) aren't above it.

So, Confessore accuses Ashcroft of seeking to "benefit" from racist support, without bothering, say, to argue why it was actually wrong to oppose Ronnie White, or why court-ordered busing in Missouri (the "voluntary" desegregation plan we heard so much about) actually helped black kids, or why quotas and race preferences don't represent a betrayal of America's ideals. Confessore needn't bother, because, after all, he has Ashcroft nailed as a "functional" racist. This is so lazy. There are legitimate debates to be had over all these questions. But, even at such a self-consciously high-minded organ as The American Prospect, the Left would apparently prefer just to call people names.

 
 

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