Ashcroft’s Unconstitutional Problem
This is “cleaning up” Washington?

February 25, 2002 11:30 a.m.

 

ere's another snapshot of Washington working to reassure the American people that politics is a clean, above-board business: Attorney General John Ashcroft will soon be defending a law that he clearly thinks is unconstitutional.

The calculation of the White House is that it is easier to sign Shays-Meehan/McCain-Feingold than to veto it, or even — amazingly enough — to ask the Senate to change the constitutionally dubious parts.

The idea is that the courts can be counted on to throw out the worst parts of the bill, while the Bush machine merrily vacuums up even more hard money for 2004 than it did for 2000 (feel reassured about the idealism of Washington politics yet?).

The wrinkle in this admittedly clever tack is that President Bush doesn't simply sign the bill and passively watch the courts excise the unconstitutional bits for him. By signing the bill, he puts the weight of his administration behind the law.

So, the courts may eventually throw parts of it out, but it will be the Bush administration urging it not to.

In other words, Bush will sign a bill that he thinks is unconstitutional on the theory that the courts will throw it out, even though his administration will have to argue that they shouldn't throw it out, even though the administration really wants the courts to throw it out.

Hey, no one said "cleaning up Washington" would be pretty.

If it were just White House operatives tainting themselves by this calculation, that would be one thing. But Attorney General Ashcroft, among others, will have to twist himself into knots to serve the White House calculation.

Even supporters of campaign-finance reform admit portions of the legislation are probably unconstitutional. So, it shouldn't come as a surprise that Ashcroft thinks it's unconstitutional as well, at least judging by his statements when he served in the Senate.

The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, in an issues survey during Ashcroft's 2000 reelection campaign, characterized the senator's position as being that McCain-Feingold is "unconstitutional."

A quick Nexis search pulls up a bunch of Ashcroft statements during the 1997 debate criticizing the bill for limiting political expression. Ashcroft says:

— that "the answer is not broad, new campaign-finance legislation that threatens core political speech."

— that "there is nothing closer to the heart of liberty itself. There's nothing closer to the core of what it means to be free people than to have free, uninhibited, unbridled capacity in the culture and among its citizens to speak politically."

— that the bill is a "shocking outrage to the conscience of freedom-loving Americans."

The administration will soon be defending a version of this bill in court.

What most administrations do, when confronted with a bill of dubious constitutionality, is ask the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel to give an opinion of it. That way, an administration can avoid getting itself in the position of defending unconstitutional laws.

One would think, then, that at the very least the Bush administration would ask the Justice Department about the constitutionality of Shays-Meehan/McCain-Feingold.

Unless it just doesn't care to know.

 
 

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