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They say, according to Britain's liberal Guardian newspaper, that their claim was based on "extra material, separate and independent from that of the US." I suppose you can make the case that a British-government claim should not have made its way into the president's SOTU without further verification. But why is that the top of the TV news day after day? Why would even the most dyspeptic Bush-basher see in those 16 accurate words of President's Bush's 5,492-word SOTU an opportunity to persuade Americans that there's a scandal in the White House, another Watergate, grounds for impeachment? Surely, everyone
does know by now that Saddam Hussein did have a nuclear-weapons-development
program. That program was set back twice: Once by Israeli bombers in 1981,
and then a decade later, at the end of the Gulf War when we learned that
Saddam's nuclear program was much further along than our intelligence
analysts had believed.
Since Saddam never demonstrated to the U.S., the U.N., or even to Jacques Chirac that he had abandoned his nuclear ambitions, one has to conclude that he was still in the market for nuclear materials. And, indeed, many intelligence analysts long believed that he was trying to acquire such material from wherever he could not just from Niger but also from Gabon, Namibia, Russia, Serbia, and other sources. Maybe there was no reliable evidence to support the particular intelligence report saying that Saddam had acquired yellowcake (lightly processed uranium ore) from Niger. But the British claim was only that Saddam had sought yellowcake not that he succeeded in getting a five-pound box Fedexed to his palace on the Tigris. And is there even one member of the U.S. Congress who would say that it was on the basis of this claim alone that he voted to authorize the president to use military force against Saddam? Is there one such individual anywhere in America? A big part of the reason this has grown into such a brouhaha is that Joseph C. Wilson IV wrote an op-ed about it in last Sunday's New York Times in which he said: "I have little choice but to conclude that some of the intelligence related to Iraq's nuclear weapons program was twisted to exaggerate the Iraqi threat." Actually, Wilson has plenty of choices but no basis for his slanderous allegation. A little background: Mr. Wilson was sent to Niger by the CIA to verify a U.S. intelligence report about the sale of yellowcake because Vice President Dick Cheney requested it, because Cheney had doubts about the validity of the intelligence report. Wilson says he spent eight days in Niger "drinking sweet mint tea and meeting with dozens of people" hardly what a competent spy, detective, or even reporter would call an in-depth investigation. Nevertheless, let's give Wilson the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he was correct when he reported back to the CIA that he believed it was "highly doubtful that any such transaction ever took place. " But, again, because it was "doubtful" that Saddam actually acquired yellowcake from Niger, it does not follow that he never sought it there or elsewhere in Africa, which is all the president suggested based on what the British said and still say. And how does Wilson leap from there to the conclusion that Vice President Cheney and his boss "twisted" intelligence to "exaggerate the Iraqi threat"? Wilson hasn't the foggiest idea what other intelligence the president and vice president had access to. It also would have been useful for the New York Times and others seeking Wilson's words of wisdom to have provided a little background on him. For example:
Clifford D. May, a former New York Times foreign correspondent, is president of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, a policy institute focusing on terrorism. |
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