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Dec. 11, the Federal Reserve announced its 11th interest-rate cut
this year, bringing the federal funds rate down to 1.75%, its lowest
level since 1961. Since there is obviously little room left to lower
rates further, the consensus view among economists is that there is
at most one rate cut left in the Fed's arsenal.
With the end
of Fed easing now in sight, some Bush administration economists
are already asking when the next cycle of Fed tightening will begin.
Given that the time lag between episodes of monetary tightening
and easing have been very short in recent years, their concerns
are not unjustified.
The Fed's penultimate
period of easing came in 1998, the last rate reduction coming on
Nov. 17. But just 225 days later, on June 30, 1999, the Fed was
already starting to raise interest rates again. The previous cycle
followed a similar pattern. The last rate reduction came on Jan.
31, 1996, and the next rate increase arrived just 419 days later
on March 25.
What this means,
in stark political terms, is that the odds of a Fed tightening between
now and Election Day 2004 are virtually 100%. And it may come sooner,
rather than later. Since 1986, there has been an average of 269
days between the end of a Fed easing episode and the beginning of
a new round of tightening. Assuming that there is one last rate
cut at the Fed's next meeting on Jan. 29, the first rate increase
could easily come at the Fed meeting scheduled for Nov. 6, 2002,
just one day after Election Day.

With the probability
that there will be no Fed tightening before Election Day, House
and Senate Republicans running for re-election can probably rest
easy for now. But George W. Bush could have a serious problem. The
Fed's last tightening episode lasted 9 months from first to last
rate increase. The previous two episodes lasted 13 months and 12
months, respectively.
Thus, assuming
a new round of Fed tightening late next year or early in 2003, it
will probably continue well into the presidential election cycle.
If history holds, the Fed will not finish tightening monetary policy
until early 2004. At a minimum, this probably means that the stock
market will be weak in 2004, with slowing economic growth throughout
the year. Not good news for Bush.
It may seem
absurd to be discussing Fed tightening at a time when the economy
is in recession; unemployment is rising and deflation rather
than inflation appears to be the bigger problem. Yet given
the Fed's history and its well-known biases, it would be foolish
to think that it will refrain from tightening monetary policy until
after Election Day 2004.
The most important
thing to know about the Fed that is relevant to this discussion
is that it firmly believes, as an institution, that economic growth,
per se, is inflationary. It says so in every monetary statement
it makes. As Cato Institute economist Alan Reynolds points out,
the Fed says that economic weakness is what justifies its rate reductions
so, economic growth must obviously be what justifies monetary
tightening. Economists call this the Phillips Curve trade-off
higher growth stimulates inflation, slow growth causes inflation
to fall.
Many economists,
however, believe that growth doesn't have anything to do with inflation.
How can producing more goods and services be inflationary, they
ask, when inflation is fundamentally caused by too much money chasing
too few goods? Increasing output per man hour is, in fact, deflationary.
Nevertheless,
the Fed has always believed that its job is to take away the punch
bowl just when the party starts to get good, as former Fed Chairman
William McChesney Martin once put it. And as an independent agency,
it can do so no matter what any White House thinks. George Bush's
father found this out the hard way, when the Fed tightened throughout
1988 and into 1989, virtually guaranteeing slow growth going into
1992, given the lag between monetary actions and their impact on
the economy.
What the current
President Bush can do to avoid his father's fate is hard to say.
He would have helped himself a lot by appointing governors to the
Federal Reserve Board who reject the Phillips Curve trade-off. However,
those he has appointed Susan Schmidt Bies and Mark Olson
appear to be get-along/go-along types who are not going to
rock the boat.
But Bush already
has two more opportunities to put his own people on the 7-person
Federal Reserve Board. Fed Governors Edward Kelly and Laurence Meyer
will both leave shortly. Bush's re-election hopes may ride on whom
he appoints to fill these critical slots.
Unless he appoints
people who reject the Phillips Curve and will argue the point strenuously,
the Fed may do to him what it did to his father.
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