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July
31, 2003, 11:45 a.m.
Educational Freedom Day in D.C.
A trial run.
By Casey Lartigue
Jr.
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umerous
polls have attempted to show what Washington, D.C. residents think about
school vouchers. A 1998 poll by the Washington Post and a 2002
National School Boards Association poll have offered conflicting views
of how D.C. residents view vouchers. There is a better way than depending
on what pollsters find: Give "practice vouchers" to D.C. parents
and see how many attempt to use them.
This would be
timely as Congress is now considering offering vouchers to 2,000 D.C. residents,
and a trial day would give both sides-voucher supporters and opponents
a sneak preview of the demand for school choice. Parents across the city
could be mailed vouchers by school-choice advocates, such as D.C. Parents
for School Choice, among others, which they could use for a day to visit
the private schools of their choice. Parents could pick up forms, interview
with administrators or teachers, and see the schools from the inside. To
increase awareness, a volunteer team of school-choice advocates should be
recruited to lead the effort by walking door to door in the low-income areas
(Wards 5,6,7, and 8) to spread word about the vouchers.
A trial run would have risks for both supporters and opponents of vouchers.
Lawyers are taught never to ask clients a question they don't already know
the answer to. If scores of parents don't show up, then opponents would
be able to argue that the city isn't interested in vouchers. A low turnout
is possible because D.C. parents who have seen previous plans scuttled may
not believe that vouchers will ever become an option for them. And if more
than 2,000 parents show up, but they later are not selected for one of the
2,000 vouchers that Congress is planning to budget money for, then many
of those parents might be upset if they don't receive a voucher.
It would also be risky for opponents. If parents show up in massive numbers,
then the National School Boards Association poll would be as meaningless
as I believe it is (I called the organization asking for demographic data,
but was told that they would withhold it for "strategic" reasons).
If only ten percent of the parents with children in public and charter schools
showed up, that would still be about 8,000 parents demonstrating real interest
in choice. Opponents could ask parents to mail their vouchers back to D.C.
Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton or other voucher opponents to demonstrate
their distaste with vouchers.
There would be disputes over exactly how many parents showed up there
are always disputes about crowd counts in the district and whether
some parents had visited one school more than another. Despite the concerns
on both sides about whether or not a practice voucher day harms their position,
a day focused on parents visiting schools can't be such a bad thing. Other
cities and states could do the same thing, following D.C.'s lead. Such a
step could even put pressure on public schools to open their doors to students
across the city, instead of telling parents to be satisfied with charter
schools and "out-of-boundary" applications for a handful of spots.
This type of mock trial isn't unprecedented. According to Juan Williams
in Eyes on
the Prize, several civil-rights organizations decided to run a mock
election in Mississippi in 1962. The "Freedom Party" candidates,
with a black president and white lieutenant governor, challenged the Democratic
and Republican hopefuls in the mock election. Sixty white students from
Yale and Stanford universities were brought in for two weeks of campaigning.
Despite many arrests and beatings, the young northerners walked door to
door in black neighborhoods, spreading word of the practice election. One
of the organizers said: "What we have discovered is that the people
who run Mississippi today can only do so by force. They cannot allow free
elections in Mississippi, because if they did, they wouldn't run Mississippi."
Williams writes that on the day of the mock election, 93,000 people cast
their "votes," with the Freedom-party candidates winning.
It is clear that just as Mississippi couldn't allow free elections, opponents
of choice in D.C. today cannot allow educational freedom for parents. Holding
an educational freedom day could reveal just how deeply parents do or don't
want school choice.
Casey Lartigue Jr. is an education-policy analyst with the Cato
Institute.
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