May 02, 2005, 1:42 p.m.
Sharansky’s Shake-Up
The minister resigns in protest of Sharon’s policies.

by Joel C. Rosenberg

A key ally of President Bush in his push for freedom and democracy in the Middle East has submitted his letter of resignation.

Israeli cabinet minister Natan Sharansky — the New York Times best-selling author of The Case for Democracy and a member of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's inner circle — told close associates last week that he could no longer serve a government that would unilaterally turn over Gaza and large portions of the West Bank to Israel's sworn enemies without getting anything tangible much less valuable in return, and without insisting upon democratic reform within Palestinian society. Sharansky is also deeply disappointed by Sharon's refusal to allow a national referendum on the withdrawal plan before its implementation, now intended for sometime in July or August.

Sharansky informed the prime minister via letter early Monday morning (Israel time), calling the unilateral withdrawal a "tragic mistake" and a "missed opportunity of historic proportions." He noted that "recent events across the globe, whether in former Soviet republics like Ukraine or Kyrgyzstan, or in Arab states like Lebanon and Egypt, prove again and again the ability of democratic forces to induce dramatic change. How absurd that Israel, the sole democracy in the Middle East, still refuses to believe in the power of freedom to transform the world." (The full text of that letter is published below.)

As minister for Jerusalem and diaspora affairs in the Sharon government, Sharansky has voted against every policy initiative related to the unilateral withdrawal. "He played a key role in defeating the referendum within the Likud party on the pull-out, and persuaded the majority of Likud to vote against Sharon's approach," notes one top advisor. "His opposition stems from his belief that unless there is fundamental democratic reform in the Palestinian world there will be no peace with Israel."

Sharansky cites the absence of women's rights and basic human rights in the West Bank and Gaza as evidence that Palestinian society is not yet serious about internal reform or peace. He also points to the society's failure to pass the "town square test." That is, Palestinians cannot say whatever they believe politically or religiously in public without fear of reprisals. Indeed, numerous Palestinians have been killed over the years as "collaborators" for being publicly perceived as supporting peace with Israel.

It was Sharansky's resignation from the Ehud Barak government in the summer of 2000 over Barak's plan to give away too much too fast to Yasser Arafat that set into motion the downfall of the Barak government.

"Starting with the Soviet commissars in the Kremlin, people have always underestimated the impact of Natan Sharansky's ideas," says one senior advisor to Sharansky who asked not to be named. Sharansky's move could become a catalyst for other opponents within Sharon's government to resign or more forcefully state their objections. It will undoubtedly further embolden those Israelis living on the West Bank or in Gaza who are organizing political opposition to Sharon's uncharacteristic decision to give up so much land for absolutely nothing in return. Opposition has been intensifying in recent weeks, raising questions of just how long Sharon's government can last.

One man in particular to keep an eye on is Finance Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who also opposes the unilateral withdrawal and whose aides say he will challenge Sharon in the next elections. Netanyahu has not yet indicated a decision to resign the government over Sharon's moves.

President Bush and Secretary of State Rice have lavishly praised Sharansky's book and the moral clarity of Sharansky's approach to making peace in the Middle East. It will be interesting, therefore, to see how the White House and State Department react to Sharansky's case that Ariel Sharon is not acting in a democratic manner and is, in fact, harming rather than helping the cause of Middle East peace.

— Joel C. Rosenberg is the author of The Last Jihad and The Last Days.. His next novel, The Ezekiel Option, will be released June 28. He is a former senior aide to Mr. Sharansky.


The following is the complete text of the resignation letter Natan Sharansky submitted to Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon earlier today. It was first published on www.joelrosenberg.com:

May 2, 2005

Prime Minister Ariel Sharon

Office of the Prime Minister

Jerusalem


Dear Mr. Prime Minister,

I am writing to inform you of my decision to resign as Minister of Diaspora Affairs and Jerusalem.

As you know, I have opposed the disengagement plan from the beginning on the grounds that I believe any concessions in the peace process must be linked to democratic reforms within Palestinian society. Not only does the disengagement plan ignore such reforms, it will in fact weaken the prospects for building a free Palestinian society and at the same time strengthen the forces of terror.

Will our departure from Gaza encourage building a society where freedom of speech is protected, where independent courts protect individual rights, and where free markets enable Palestinians to build an independent economic life beyond government control? Will our departure from Gaza end incitement in the Palestinian media or hate-filled indoctrination in Palestinian schools? Will our departure from Gaza result in the dismantling of terror groups or the dismantling of the refugee camps in which four generations of Palestinians have lived in miserable conditions?

Clearly, the answer to all these questions is no.

The guiding principle behind the disengagement plan is based on the illusion that by leaving Gaza we will leave the problems of Gaza behind us. As the familiar mantra goes, "we will be here, and they will be there." Once again, we are repeating the mistakes of the past by not understanding that the key to building a stable and lasting peace with our Palestinian neighbors lies in encouraging and supporting their efforts to build a democratic society. Obviously, these changes surely will take time, but Israel is not even linking its departure from Gaza upon the initiation of the first steps in this direction.

In my view, the disengagement plan is a tragic mistake that will exacerbate the conflict with the Palestinians, increase terrorism, and dim the prospects of forging a genuine peace. Yet what turns this tragic mistake into a missed opportunity of historic proportions is the fact that as a result of changes in the Palestinian leadership and the firm conviction of the leader of the free world that democracy is essential to stability and peace — a conviction that is guiding America's actions in other places around the world — an unprecedented window of opportunity has opened. Recent events across the globe, whether in former Soviet republics like Ukraine or Kyrgyzstan, or in Arab states like Lebanon and Egypt, prove again and again the ability of democratic forces to induce dramatic change. How absurd that Israel, the sole democracy in the Middle East, still refuses to believe in the power of freedom to transform our world.

Alongside my concerns, about the dangers entailed in a unilateral disengagement from Gaza, I am even more concerned about how the government's approach to disengagement is dividing Israeli society. We are heading toward a terrible rift in the nation and to my great chagrin; I feel that the government is making no serious effort to prevent it.

As Minister I share collective responsibility for every government decision. Now when the disengagement plan is in the beginning of its implementation stages and all government institutions are exclusively focused on this process, I no longer feel that I can faithfully serve in a government whose central policy — indeed, sole raison d'etre- has become one to which I am so adamantly opposed.

I would like to thank you for our productive cooperation over the last four years... In particular, your sensitivity toward issues of concern to the Jewish people and the strong backing you gave to my efforts to combat anti-Semitism and to strengthen Israel's connection with the Diaspora made possible for the State of Israel to forge the many successes which we achieved together in these areas.

I would also like to take this opportunity to thank you for the central role you played in integrating Yisrael B'aliya into the Likud, a historic step of great national importance.

As in the past, I will continue my lifelong efforts to contribute to the unity and strength of the Jewish people both in Israel and in the Diaspora. I will also continue to advocate and promote the idea that freedom and democracy are essential to peace and security.

Sincerely,

Natan Sharansky