April 27, 2005,
7:56 a.m. How often do you read a statement from a politician and think, “That speaks for me”? That seldom, huh? Anyway, I felt this way when reading an excerpt from a letter sent by Sen. Mitch McConnell to the Louisville Courier-Journal: “Why is it that whenever a Democrat speaks before a religious audience, he is ‘reaching out,’ but when a Republican does it, he is ‘divisive’? . . . I can recall many instances of Democrats visiting churches over the years, not just to speak on a policy matter but even to outright plea for votes. Either I’ve missed the angry editorials in this paper and others over those events, or there’s an astonishing double standard afoot here.” I know which option I vote for. Do you recall when Jesse Jackson equated Dan Quayle with Herod, at the 1992 convention? Most Democrats thought that was sort of cool, I believe. Remember the rule: Black people are allowed to mix religion and politics, because, why, it’s just their way, and they’ve got those cute lil’ spirituals and so on. (I am expressing what I consider to be the liberal-Democratic mindset.) And the religious Left, such as it is, can participate in politics, because that is a matter of conscience. But everybody else: Butt out.
Okay, let’s test it: Allow the nomination to proceed to the floor. We’ll see.
Yeah, directed by the Democratic leadership. Will Chafee stand for such directing? Can he afford not to, politically? Even more basically, why is he in politics? George W. Bush wanted to do more than follow in his father’s footsteps. How about Lincoln Chafee? What has he to say about all this?
It should not be forgotten, amid this talk, that she is a firm supporter of abortion on demand. To my knowledge, she would not prohibit any abortion whatever even unto partial-birth abortion. I believe this makes her an extremist. But even if it does not do that, to call her a moderate, simply on the basis of some semi-artful rhetorical fragments, is bizarre.
“Only the past has lobbyists who protect what they already have; the future is unrepresented unless citizens engage.” Newt continues, “. . . to rally the country to change Washington, we must follow Prime Minister Thatcher’s rule that ‘first you win the argument, then you win the vote.’” And this very interesting parable: “Reagan proposed welfare reform at the National Governors’ Conference in 1970. No one supported him. By 1996, polls showed that 92% of the country favored welfare reform, including 88% of the people on welfare. By then, it was virtually impossible for the Congress to avoid passing it or for President Clinton to avoid signing it, which he did after vetoing it twice. We must again define the debate about winning the future and not let the elite media or our opponents derail us into an argument about defending the past.” Whatever his shortcomings as a politician, the man can talk and (first) think.
Thanks, Paul! See you next week.
Unlike his fellow dramatists, Shakespeare never became a Londoner, but returned whenever possible to the Warwickshire of his birth. He too had been treated as an outsider and subjected to calumny and insult. He had also written the first English play with a black man for a hero. Throughout his work, inferiors children, servants, fools and vagabonds instruct their betters, implicitly calling into question the inevitability of the established order. Patience in enduring inconsistency and contradiction, an awareness of the contingency of all things, is the soul of irony; it is also what makes Englishness both so enduring and so difficult to grasp. Incidentally, have you ever noticed that it’s seldom tiring to read about Shakespeare, just as it’s almost never tiring to read Shakespeare?
And “to find out what started it all,” please go here.
Toward the end, he slides into foreign policy, and what he’s trying to accomplish, in the wake of 9/11. Have a taste (but do try to imbibe the whole thing, when you have the time): “The convictions that have guided our history are also at issue in our world. We also face some questions in our time: Do the promises of the Declaration apply beyond the culture that produced it? Are some, because of birth or background, destined to live in tyranny or do all, regardless of birth or background, deserve to live in freedom? Americans have no right or calling to impose our own form of government on others. Yet, American interests and values are both served by standing for liberty in every part of the world.” And some more: “Our interests are served when former enemies become democratic partners because free governments do not support terror or seek to conquer their neighbors. Our interests are served by the spread of democratic societies because free societies reward the hopes of their citizens, instead of feeding the hatreds that lead to violence. Our deepest values are also served when we take our part in freedom’s advance when the chains of millions are broken and the captives are set free, because we are honored to serve the cause that gave us birth.” And a little more: “Sometimes the progress of liberty comes gradually, like water that cuts through stone. Sometimes progress comes like a wildfire, kindled by example and courage. We see that example and courage today in Afghanistan and Kyrgystan, Ukraine, Georgia and Iraq. We believe that people in Zimbabwe and Iran and Lebanon and beyond have the same hopes, the same rights, and the same future of self-government. The principles of the Declaration still inspire, and the words of the Declaration are forever true. So we will stick to it; we will stand firmly by it.” (That last is an echo of Lincoln himself.)
“. . . Washington entered actively into the fray after the terrorist events perpetrated on its own soil on 9/11/01. This was not a good justification for its enmity towards Arabs and Muslims. Israel’s hand in the matter is clear.” Ah, of course! Thank you, ambassador. There was also this lesson: “Had Britain encouraged education and the development of a true liberal democratic process in the Arab region, instead of combating any independence of thought, the Arab region would have today become an extension of the West, and things would have been very different today.” Oh, dear one, Britain did its best better than Arab rulers and elites have done, for their own countries. When are you going to start to take responsibility for your own record? Finally, toward the end, “We would like you to know us through headlines other than those of terrorism, despotism and fundamentalism. We would like to know you through other headlines than those of hegemony and the beating of the drums of war. We would like you to read about our state of affairs through what we ourselves write, not through what others write about us.” Oh, we do, baby, we do through MEMRI.org. But be careful what you wish for. (The ambassador’s lecture is here.)
Who says it’s hard to say goodbye?
Um, isn’t it better to leave that to others to say? Maybe that’s just who I am!
As the 1990s progressed, the village came to resemble a horror movie in which people succumbed one by one to a zombie plague. Nice people, people who had been my friends for years, people who cared about their families, became unrecognisable. Each time I returned, I found that someone who I thought would hold out forever had gone under . . . It was said that smallpox had always left some people alive to bury the dead: would alcohol be so gracious? A stunning line, that last one.
Just recently, Saramago signed a pro-Castro petition, along with other giants such as Nadine Gordimer, Harry Belafonte, Danny Glover, Alice Walker, Ramsey Clark, and Danielle Mitterrand. Oh, well.
I received many letters on this subject, particularly from Minnesota. Here’s one: Dear Jay,
Such a good point. When I was a student (in Italy), it was always, “Love America, hate Reagan.” Plus ça change, as they say in Italy (don’t they?). And the reader/writer is absolutely right: Has an American ever said, “I’m a big fan of France, but I can’t stand Chirac [or Mitterrand, or Giscard, or . . .]”? I mean, ever, ever, ever?
Dear Mr. Nordlinger: I loved that last line.
A) Neat that the blogosphere is considered part of the media! B) It’s actually $550 million. C) If you think too much about the Castro regime and the American media, you’ll go bonkers.
Lovely, lovely, lovely. I was going to rant a bit, but we should end on that. | ||||||||
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http://www.nationalreview.com/impromptus/impromptus200504270756.asp
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