On political currents in Argentina and Brazil
Editor’s Note: In the current issue of National Review, we have a piece by Jay Nordlinger called “Latin America: A Brisk Political Tour.” This week, Mr. Nordlinger elaborates in a series. The previous parts can be found at the following links: I, II, and III.
One of the most interesting, and unusual, heads of state in the world is the president of Argentina: Javier Milei. He is a gonzo libertarian, whose slogan is “¡Viva la libertad, carajo!” (“Long live freedom, dammit!”). He has several dogs — English mastiffs — cloned from his beloved Conan, who died in 2017. One of the dogs is named “Milton,” after Friedman. Another is named “Murray,” after Rothbard. Then there are “Robert” and “Lucas.” Robert Lucas Jr. was a Chicago economist, who lived from 1937 to 2023.
President Milei is a flamboyant, highly individualistic character, often called “El Loco,” and not merely by critics. Is he “crazy like a fox”? Everyone has his own opinion, but most people acknowledge Milei’s foxiness, or acumen.
Argentina is a notoriously difficult country to govern. President after president has come to tears. In 2023, voters turned to Milei in something like desperation, hoping to curb inflation and gain some economic stability. Milei has administered shock therapy, in the form of austerity, devaluation, deregulation, etc. “The shock of liberalism in a Peronist state.” That’s how one Brazilian analyst, looking southward, puts it to me.
In the wake of such shocking, there is inevitable pain. Will Argentinians put up with it, for their own good (as Milei’s supporters see it)? The president has been nothing if not bold.
When it comes to foreign policy — and general outlook — he is a strong supporter of Ukraine, in its struggle to repel invasion by Russia. One of the first things he did as president was send military helicopters to Ukraine. He is also a strong supporter of Israel. In January of this year, he was awarded Israel’s Genesis Prize. This is a quasi-governmental award (worth $1 million), whose past recipients include Michael Bloomberg, Steven Spielberg, and Barbra Streisand.
• Now to Brazil — the largest country in Latin America, both in population and in area. Democracy there is marked by extremes. Or, it is a game of ping-pong, between Left and Right — the populist Left and the populist Right. There are moderate Brazilians, obviously. But they do not necessarily shine in politics.
Lula da Silva, a left-wing populist, is president. Again. He held the office from 2003 to 2011. He was succeeded by his chief of staff, Dilma Rousseff, who was reelected in 2014. Two years later, however, she was impeached and removed from office. Her term was filled out by her vice president, Michel Temer.
During his first eight years, did Lula respect democratic boundaries? In the main, yes. He is a red, or pink, figure who admires the Castros. There is also a pragmatism in him. “Lula knows the value of 3 percent.” That is an observation made by José Sarney, who was president in the 1980s, and is still with us at 94. He made this observation to Enrique Krauze, among others, and Krauze has shared it with me.
(Krauze, previously mentioned in this series, is an eminent Mexican historian.)
What does it mean, knowing the value of 3 percent? Lula was a union leader, and is willing to bargain, willing to settle. A messianic figure, as Krauze says, has no interest in 3 percent. He spits on 3 percent. He wants it all, and must have it.
Before continuing, maybe we should have a word about nomenclature. The president was born “Luiz Inácio da Silva.” “Lula” was a nickname. In 1982, he took the legal step of adding “Lula” to his name — so, formally, he is “Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.” Everyone refers to him as “Lula” or “President Lula.” Friend and foe alike. “Lula” is not a term of endearment. It’s just how it goes, in Brazil.
That Lula is corrupt, few serious observers doubt. He was convicted of corruption in 2017 and again in 2019. He spent 580 days in prison. In 2021, his convictions were nullified by the supreme court.
All of this is rather interesting, and a bit complicated, and merits a long article of its own. But that is true of almost everything I am touching on in this series.
In 2018, while Lula was in prison, the Brazilian people elected Jair Bolsonaro their president. He is a right-wing populist. His style is classic, familiar throughout the region (and beyond).
At the outset of the pandemic, Bolsonaro said, “The Brazilian needs to be studied. He doesn’t catch anything. You see a guy jumping into sewage, diving in, right? Nothing happens to him.” The pandemic then took its toll. “I am sorry about the deaths,” said Bolsonaro, but “we are all going to die someday,” and “we have to stop being a country of maricas.” (That last word is a derogatory term for gays.)
Free and clear, Lula da Silva challenged Bolsonaro for the presidency in 2022 — and won, narrowly. He was sworn in for a third term — “Lula 3,” people call it — at age 77. That was on January 1, 2023.
Two days before, Bolsonaro had left the country for Florida, so as to avoid taking part in his successor’s inauguration. On January 8, a huge mob of Bolsonaro supporters stormed the three branches of government: the presidential palace, the congress, and the supreme court. The mob called on the military to restore Bolsonaro to power. Two thousand people were arrested and 1,300 charged.
In 2024, Bolsonaro was indicted for participating in a coup plot, which called for the assassination of the president, the vice president, and a supreme-court justice. Bolsonaro is maneuvering to run for president again in 2026. Above, I spoke of ping-pong.
The rule of law is tenuous in Brazil. Left and Right tend to favor it when it hampers the other side. We can say that this is more human than Brazilian or Latin American. Simply glance around the world.
In Brazil, they prosecute people for “fake news.” They even call it that: “fake news,” in English. That is an achievement of Donald Trump (if “achievement” is the right word). He made “fake news” a near-universal term.
Recall a meeting between Trump and Vladimir Putin in 2019. This was on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Osaka, Japan. Gesturing at assembled journalists, Trump said, “Get rid of them.” Putin, of course, needs no encouragement in this department. He has banned all independent media and seen to the murder of many a journalist. Trump then said, “ ‘Fake news’ is a great term, isn’t it? You don’t have this problem in Russia, but we do.” Putin answered, in English, “We also have. It’s the same.” Then the two chuckled.
Tomorrow, I will conclude this series in Mexico.
If you would like to receive Impromptus by e-mail — links to new columns — write to jnordlinger@nationalreview.com.