

Rural families want educational freedom, and they’re voting for it at the ballot box.
T he claim that rural voters don’t want school choice has long been a crutch for opponents of educational freedom. They’ve portrayed rural communities as tethered to public schools, uninterested in alternatives, and lacking private options.
But 2025 has demolished that narrative. Six states — Idaho, North Dakota, New Hampshire, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming — have advanced universal school choice policies this year, proving that rural families aren’t just open to choice; they’re demanding it.
Backed by history, polling, and real-world data, these victories show the political winds have shifted, and rural voters are leading the charge for educational opportunity.
Texas delivered the biggest win, enacting a universal Education Savings Account (ESA) program after years of resistance. The Texas House, once a fortress of opposition, transformed dramatically. Last year, 21 Republican representatives joined Democrats to block ESAs; today, 14 of those GOP holdouts are gone — retired or defeated in primaries. Of the seven remaining, six flipped to support school choice this month, when the House passed Senate Bill 2 by a vote of 86 to 61.
Governor Greg Abbott’s relentless campaign, fueled by 88 percent of GOP primary voters backing a pro-choice proposition in 2022, overcame resistance from union-backed politicians in rural areas.
A January 2025 University of Houston poll showed that 71 percent of rural Texas voters supported vouchers, outpacing the 67 percent statewide average. Rural Texans are embracing choice, not rejecting it.
Tennessee passed the Education Freedom Scholarship Act to offer ESAs statewide. Previously limited to three urban counties, the program now spans Tennessee’s 95 counties. Critics claimed that rural families wouldn’t benefit, but Governor Bill Lee’s leadership prevailed. A 2025 poll conducted by Beacon Center of Tennessee found that 67 percent of the state’s voters backed ESAs. Rural communities aren’t clinging to the status quo — they want options.
Idaho, a deeply rural state, passed a universal tax-credit scholarship program, offering $5,000 per student for private school tuition or other costs. Wyoming, another sparsely populated state, enacted a universal ESA program, providing $7,000 per student.
North Dakota, the eleventh-most rural state in America, nearly rounded out these victories with a universal ESA program this year, allowing every student to access funds for private school tuition or other education expenses. This legislative win in North Dakota is a big deal: The state is ranked at the bottom of the list (48th) for school choice on The Heritage Foundation’s Education Freedom Report Card because North Dakota currently doesn’t have any charter schools, magnet schools, or private school choice programs. However, Governor Kelly Armstrong — a Republican — vetoed that school choice bill along with another bill to protect children from sexually explicit materials in libraries and schools. While that news is disappointing, Mr. Armstrong did sign a bill to establish public charter schools.
New Hampshire, the seventh-most rural state, is poised to join the wave. Lawmakers in both chambers passed universal school choice bills in 2025, and they’re now reconciling versions to send to Governor Kelly Ayotte, a vocal supporter of school choice. The Granite State’s Education Freedom Account program, already successful, will expand to all families, empowering rural communities where public school options are often limited.
These wins align with history. The two oldest voucher programs in the United States, established in Maine (1873) and Vermont (1869), were created specifically for rural kids, when public schools were scarce in remote areas. Today, nine of the ten most rural states — by population share — have private school choice programs, from Montana to West Virginia. The idea that rural voters reject choice is a myth, unsupported by history or policy.
Critics argue that rural areas lack private schools, making choice programs useless. But supply follows demand. Florida’s programs prove it: Step Up for Students data show that from 2001 to 2021, the number of private schools in the state’s 30 rural counties grew from 69 to 120, and private school enrollment more than doubled, from 5,354 to 10,965 students. Income-based scholarship usage in these counties surged from 1,706 in 2011–12 to 6,992 in 2021–22.
When families have funds, new options — private schools, microschools, tutors, or homeschool co-ops — emerge. Rural communities innovate when empowered.
The 2025 legislative victories in Texas, Tennessee, Idaho, and Wyoming, along with New Hampshire’s pending bill, mark a turning point. Rural voters, long dismissed as choice skeptics, are driving this revolution. The Texas House’s shift — 14 of 21 GOP holdouts gone, six of seven remaining flipping — shows that the political tide has turned. Maine and Vermont’s century-old programs prove that rural choice works. Florida’s data show that choice sparks innovation in remote areas. And national polling confirms that rural voters often outpace urban support.
Opponents can recycle their tired arguments, but the evidence is undeniable. Rural families want educational freedom, and they’re voting for it at the ballot box. As these programs take root, expect more private schools, tutors, and options in rural America.
The school choice movement isn’t just growing — it’s unstoppable, and rural voters are at the forefront.