The Colorado governor’s move to boost educational options is one his fellow Democrats should follow.
The Colorado governor’s move to boost educational options is one his fellow Democrats should follow.
I n a polarized political landscape where partisan allegiances usually guide policy decisions, Colorado Governor Jared Polis has just delivered a refreshing surprise. The Democrat leader told the Colorado Sun that he plans to opt his state into President Trump’s new nationwide school choice program, set to take effect in 2027 as part of the Big Beautiful Bill.
“I would be crazy not to,” Polis declared, framing the program as a straightforward opportunity for Colorado families. He’s absolutely right — and his move should encourage other Democratic governors to rethink their reflexively anti-school choice stances, lest they risk pointlessly hurting their own constituents.
The program, a landmark expansion of educational freedom, allows taxpayers nationwide to contribute up to $1,700 annually to scholarship organizations that fund private school tuition, homeschooling materials, or other educational options. In return, donors receive a dollar-for-dollar federal tax credit. The program is a mechanism to empower parents and students by redirecting resources toward choices that best fit their needs.
But here’s the catch: While any taxpayer can claim the credit regardless of their state’s participation, scholarships can only be awarded to students in states whose governors opt in.
As I argued earlier this year, governors who opt out are essentially shooting themselves in the foot. Polis echoed that sentiment, noting that the program’s structure creates an irresistible incentive. If a blue-state governor like him declines, their residents can still donate and claim the tax break — but those funds will flow to scholarship programs in participating states, likely Republican-led ones.
As Polis told the Sun, it’s a “no-brainer” for states to join and ensure their own kids benefit. Opting out means blue-state taxpayers would subsidize educational opportunities for children elsewhere, sending their hard-earned dollars out of state.
The dynamic mirrors the federal leverage used to enforce the national minimum drinking age of 21, which ties compliance to highway funding. States that refuse to set a drinking age of 21 face a penalty: Their residents’ federal tax dollars still go to Washington, but a portion is withheld from their state’s highways. Similarly, here, non-participating states will watch as their taxpayers’ contributions fuel scholarships in states that opt in.
Republican governors are already lining up to capitalize on the program. Louisiana, Nebraska, South Dakota, Tennessee, and Texas have all signaled their intent to join, recognizing the win-win chance to expand educational freedom without burdening their state budgets.
Polis’s decision may stun observers familiar with his far-left record on social issues. Just this year, he signed House Bill 1312, titled “Legal Protections for Transgender Individuals,” which classifies “misgendering” someone as a discriminatory act under state law. Colorado Democrats, with Polis’s support, also enacted legislation mandating that health benefit plans cover “gender-affirming health care.” They later went further, advancing a bill that could classify “misgendering” one’s own child as child abuse.
When Republicans proposed an amendment to exclude minors from the “health” plan coverage — aiming to prevent taxpayer-funded sex-change surgeries and the chemical castration of vulnerable children — the Democratic legislative majority swiftly killed it. These moves align Polis with the far-left wing of his party, and demonstrate how he has long prioritized ideology over parental rights in sensitive areas.
Indeed, even on education, Polis has historically aligned himself with the far left in opposition to school choice. In his interview with the Sun, he reiterated his aversion to “vouchers,” a term often weaponized by unions to attack programs that give parents alternatives to failing public schools. His past stances on school choice and social issues make his decision now all the more remarkable — it represents a pragmatic pivot that finally prioritizes families over entrenched interests and radical ideological pressure groups. And if Polis can set aside his reflexive opposition, other Democrats should be able to follow suit. The move represents good policy and smart politics.
Consider the calculation for a governor like California’s Gavin Newsom. Why would he want his constituents — who already face sky-high taxes — to effectively hand over their federal tax credits to benefit students in Texas under Governor Greg Abbott? Newsom’s residents could donate to scholarship funds and claim the $1,700 credit, but without opting in, those scholarships wouldn’t help California kids. Instead, they’d bolster educational freedom in red states, strengthening Abbott’s base while leaving Newsom’s voters shortchanged. The result is a lose-lose for blue-state leaders: alienate families desperate for better schools, and subsidize your political opponents’ successes.
Unfortunately, not all Democrats are as clear-eyed as Polis. North Carolina Governor Josh Stein has hinted at interest, but his comments suggest a misunderstanding of the program. Stein appears to believe the scholarships could be restricted to boost funding for students remaining in public schools — an interpretation that contradicts the program’s core purpose of fostering genuine choice, including between private and homeschool options. If Stein opts in under that flawed premise, he risks clashing with federal guidelines.
Meanwhile, Democratic governors in New Mexico, Oregon, and Wisconsin may soon regret their hasty and ill-informed rejections of the program. Their initial statements smack of knee-jerk resistance to anything associated with Trump, or anything that might erode the teachers’ unions’ autocratic monopoly on education in their states. But as the program’s incentives become clearer, that opposition could backfire. Wisconsin, Oregon, and New Mexico families will donate anyway, claiming the tax credit while causing scholarships go to other states. Voters won’t forget who denied them access to the rightful fruits of their own dollars.
Jorge Elorza, president of Democrats for Education Reform, has been vocal on this point. He’s urging leaders in his party to emulate Polis and unleash educational opportunities for children, transcending the traditional partisan divide on the issue. Elorza is right: School choice isn’t a red or blue issue. The matter boils down to the well-being of kids. Polis’s embrace proves Democrats can lead on the issue without abandoning their principles — provided they prioritize results over rhetoric.
As the 2027 rollout approaches, expect pressure to mount on gubernatorial holdouts. Parents, taxpayers, and even moderate Democrats will demand that their states opt in to avoid subsidizing others. Polis has shown the way. Now, it’s time for his counterparts to get on board — or explain to their voters why they’re content to let this incredible opportunity pass them by.