

Don’t let Washington decide what Americans are allowed to hear.
A merica’s First Amendment is not a fair-weather friend. Free speech does not exist to safeguard only what is popular, polite, or convenient for those in power, nor does it hinge on whether a speaker’s intentions are benevolent or self-serving. It exists as a safeguard in cases that are just the opposite: for speech that is controversial, commercial, disruptive, and inconvenient.
That is precisely why recent proposals to ban or severely restrict direct-to-consumer pharmaceutical advertising should alarm every American, regardless of political affiliation or opinion of the industry. Just this week, the New York Times reported on Department of Health and Human Services calls to return to a pre-1997 policy severely restricting direct-to-consumer drug advertising, and also detailed a proposal from Senator Bernie Sanders proposing a ban on any advertising for three years after a drug gains FDA approval. FDA Commissioner Marty Makary touted their crackdown on drug ads on X, noting, “We’re just getting started.”
When we begin carving out exceptions for speech we dislike or distrust, we do not weaken a particular industry or group; we weaken the principle itself.
At first glance, this debate may look like a narrow dispute over health-care policy and corporate marketing. In reality, it raises a far more dangerous constitutional question: Will we allow the federal government to appoint itself the ultimate gatekeeper of information?
Supporters of new restrictions argue that pharmaceutical advertising can mislead consumers. This is a serious concern, and it deserves serious debate, but not in the arena of free speech. The remedy for potentially misleading speech has never been censorship. It has always been more speech.
The Supreme Court has long recognized that commercial speech is entitled to constitutional protection. While not absolute, that protection exists because a free society depends on the free flow of information. When Washington starts deciding which lawful messages can be spoken and which must be silenced, we step onto a slippery slope that is hard to later ascend.
Americans are not wards of the state. They are citizens, fully capable of evaluating claims, challenging assertions, and seeking out additional perspectives before making their own judgments. To assume otherwise is to adopt a paternalistic view of government that runs counter to our constitutional tradition. The pharmaceutical ad restrictions proposed by HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. assume Americans are incapable of hearing advertisements and making their own decisions based on those advertisements.
Once the federal government asserts broad authority to suppress lawful corporate speech in one arena, it sets a precedent that will quickly spill over into other areas of life. Today, it may be drug advertisements. Tomorrow, it could be messages about education, faith-based services, or the work of religious charities. The tool created to regulate “harmful” speech can quickly become a tool to regulate “unfavored” speech.
My commitment to this principle is not abstract. During my years as a federal prosecutor and later as the founder of Alliance Defending Freedom, I have seen firsthand how fragile liberty can be when it is treated as regulable. Once the government becomes comfortable deciding which voices may be heard and which may be dismissed, it is almost always those with minority, religious, or deeply held convictions who feel the consequences first.
Consider how easily a future administration — perhaps one less sympathetic to religious liberty — could seize upon a precedent of regulating corporate messaging and extend that same logic to places that we may think are untouchable. Faith-based hospitals, charities, nonprofit law firms, and schools are also “corporate” entities under the law. If Washington claims the power to limit what pharmaceutical companies can say to the public, what prevents it from later claiming the power to limit what religious organizations can say about their beliefs, their services, or their moral convictions, all in the name of “public interest” or “consumer protection”?
This is not a far-fetched concern. Around the world, governments have repeatedly used regulatory regimes to marginalize or silence religious and ideological voices, often under the reassuring banners of neutrality, consumer protection, or public safety. One need look no further than the European Union’s Digital Services Act, whose broad regulatory powers have translated into real constraints on lawful speech, illustrating how quickly “reasonable regulation” can become a tool for suppression.
Even in the United States, liberty often seems only one decision, one case, or one new precedent away from extinction. When it comes to religious liberty, critical cases like Burwell v. Hobby Lobby, 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis, and Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Commission all came down to fundamental legal protections enshrined in our Constitution, each a thread in the rope holding together our republic. Every new restriction or limit to protected speech cuts into those threads.
The Trump administration has rightly emphasized the importance of our constitutional freedoms of speech, worship, and more, combined with a healthy skepticism of overreaching bureaucracy. That same commitment should apply here, to our first and arguably most fundamental freedom.
At stake is the defense of a principle that safeguards every one of us. In a free society, the government does not decide which messages may enter the public square. Once that authority is conceded, restrictions almost never remain confined to their original purpose.
We should confront concerns about health-care transparency and costs through open debate, fuller disclosure, and robust patient education — not by empowering Washington to silence speech, eroding the constitutional protections on which our liberties rest.
The shield of the First Amendment exists to protect the people from government power, not to be wielded by the government against them. We must keep it that way.