

Keeping our global advantage in space requires that the U.S. open the door to innovation without time-consuming red tape.
C hina recently marked the first successful launch and recovery of its Long March 10B rocket booster, with its novel sea-based cable-and-net catching system. This is a genuine new “Sputnik moment” for the United States — and the American response should be to double down on private space innovation.
China is now the second nation to demonstrate the ability to deploy a reusable orbital booster; until now, such boosters had only been effectively utilized by the American company SpaceX, which has successfully reused hundreds of boosters of the same type China just used. China’s recovery is analogous in strategic signaling to Sputnik: It involves America’s only plausible peer competitor mastering the single most important technology for affordable, high-cadence space access and ends a period when this decisive advantage belonged almost exclusively to a U.S. company.
China’s achievement should be qualified: This wasn’t its first attempt at launching a reusable orbital booster, and it hasn’t reused the booster yet. Still, this development demands serious attention and reflection from our side.
History shows that when the United States faces a technological challenge from a rival, the fastest path to American dominance is unleashing private ingenuity backed by smart government demand signals, not recreating Soviet-style central planning or slow bureaucratic programs. China’s net-catch recovery is impressive. But the U.S. retains the overall lead in operational reusability, flight rate, payload capacity at scale, and domestic commercial ecosystem. Therefore, China’s rocket recovery is a warning shot rather than a defeat. But we must not rest on our laurels if we wish to maintain our advantage.
Reusability enables frequent launches, lower costs per kilogram, larger satellite constellations, quicker replenishment of space assets in a crisis, and sustainable exploration architectures. Without it, no nation can credibly claim 21st century space power. SpaceX revolutionized the industry by developing the first reusable orbital rocket (Falcon 9), slashing launch costs from around $10,000 per kilogram to under $3,000 and enabling more than 400 successful launches since 2010, more than any government agency. The company’s Crew Dragon now routinely ferries NASA astronauts to the International Space Station, ending U.S. reliance on Russian rocket engines.
SpaceX alone drives the vast majority of U.S. launch activity and global growth, with China a distant second overall and Europe and Russia lagging far behind. SpaceX has achieved a vital advantage from being the first to physically occupy the most valuable real estate in low Earth orbit (LEO), with its thousands of Starlink satellites establishing the world’s largest satellite constellation to provide high-speed internet access.
Starlink deployed thousands of satellites years ahead of competitors, acquiring the most valuable altitudes and inclinations offering the best combination of low latency, global coverage potential, and minimal atmospheric drag for long-term operations — the orbital equivalent of beachfront property. Orbital slots in useful LEO shells are finite; they operate legally under an international “bring into use” model, where an unused “slot” loses its vital legal right to preserve scarce emissions spectrum. If satellites aren’t in that limited orbital parking space by a certain time, the company and nation lose the right to that orbital slot. China is pushing so hard to get reusable rocketry working now in part because its leases on orbital slots are near expiration.
The United States did not achieve reusable rocketry dominance through traditional government programs. The breakthrough came from private enterprise — specifically, SpaceX’s relentless iteration, vertical integration, risk-taking culture, and commercial focus — accelerated by NASA commercial crew and cargo contracts. This model delivered what government programs alone had clearly failed to provide.
Too often in the United States, however, government stands in the way of faster private space innovation. The Federal Aviation Administration greatly slowed commercial space exploration via lengthy environmental reviews lasting many months. Similar delays occurred between subsequent tests as the agency required corrective actions, wildlife monitoring, and new approvals for each flight, preventing the rapid iteration cadence SpaceX needs to develop fully reusable heavy-lift capability. This legal harassment extended to the company, at the behest of bureaucrats being compelled to kidnap a seal and force it to listen to rocket launches wearing headphones to determine if the launches would disrupt the animals’ breeding.
China’s success, achieved via state-owned enterprises like China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation, should not prompt the U.S. to double down on slow and expensive government hardware. It should encourage the opposite and accelerate the model that already works: a private-sector led overhaul of America’s space program.
That must include expanding commercial partnerships and streamlining the regulatory processes involved in launches, as well as streamlining licensing, which would cut reusable rocket launch and landing approval timelines from months to weeks with predictable, risk-based rules that are modeled on successful SpaceX iterations. Additionally, NASA and Pentagon spending should be shifted from cost-plus to fixed-price milestone contracts for crew, cargo, and lunar logistics, to repeat the Commercial Crew model that built SpaceX at scale.
America should also consider using competitive prize money to set the scope of missions and incentivize enterprise. Private ventures such as SpaceX are more efficient because they have much more incentive to avoid excessive costs and focus on solutions, because their profits are a function of their spending. Companies are simply more efficient at spending money than governments. Last year, SpaceX launched 165 rockets . . . NASA launched 1.
There is certainly reason for hope. As a result of NASA administrator Jared Isaacman’s reorientation of the agency toward the private sector, investment has poured into space to the tune of tens of billions annually, driving innovation at a pace other governments cannot match. Private industry now supplies much of our transportation infrastructure, lowers barriers for payloads, and is actively partnering with NASA on Artemis lunar returns and future Mars goals. Private companies have delivered the frequency, affordability, and scale that define the current space renaissance. Meanwhile, purely state-run space programs have been a disaster, illustrated recently by the escalating delays and massive cost overruns associated with the Space Launch System (SLS) and the James Webb Space Telescope.
The problems with the government-run space program are baked into the program’s very design. To achieve political buy-in, NASA built SLS in a manner that essentially bought off every political group involved in space exploration: It was designed to maximize political efficiency, with contractors spread across all 50 states. Achieving such buy-in increases the total costs of the program via de facto bribery, risking the program’s future from “sticker shock” as well as huge delays in mission design, as everyone’s pet technology gets deemed mission critical in order to buy their support. If any of these many pet technologies go wrong, the mission will almost certainly be delayed — as occurred with Artemis in 2024, when NASA’s Inspector General released a report deeming the mission’s Moon plans unfeasible because of significant delays in developing spacesuits, which the agency had more than a decade to do.
Big government programs are no more effective in orbit than they are here on Earth. U.S. grand strategy would be better served by private sector solutions and deregulation. To stay ahead of China’s advancement in reusable rocketry, America should continue to seek free market solutions in orbit.