The Libertarian Case for the CLARITY Act

President Donald Trump delivers remarks alongside SEC chairman Paul Atkins, CFTC chairman Michael Selig, White House crypto adviser Patrick Witt, Intercontinental Exchange CEO Jeffrey Sprecher, Nasdaq CEO Adena Friedman, and cryptocurrency executives at the White House in Washington, D.C., August 19, 2026. (Kylie Cooper/Reuters)

A clean regulatory framework for digital assets is better than a messy one.

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A clean regulatory framework for digital assets is better than a messy one.

T he libertarian-adjacent Senator Rand Paul (R., Ky.) is expected to vote against the CLARITY Act, which would clarify federal regulatory jurisdiction over digital assets such as cryptocurrencies, on September 15, just as he voted against a similar stablecoin law last year. I understand the laissez-faire instincts behind his position. New federal frameworks usually mean new federal power, and a healthy suspicion of financial regulators is a habit I share and have spent a career practicing. But this bill is the rare piece of legislation in which the limited-government arithmetic runs the other way.


The choice before the Senate is not regulation versus no regulation. Digital assets are currently governed by the worst method our system offers: enforcement. An administrative agency, such as the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), decides after the fact, case by case and company by company, what the law meant. The answer arrives in the form of a lawsuit. Entrepreneurs comply not with rules but with guesses about a regulator’s mood, and the guess can bankrupt them either way. That is the most discretionary and least accountable form of government power over commerce we have, and it is the status quo that a vote against the bill preserves.

What the CLARITY Act does is write the rules down for the crypto industry rather than keep them in the ether. This means drawing jurisdictional lines between the SEC, which oversees securities, and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which oversees commodities, rather than letting each agency claim overlapping authority. It tells a builder what is legal before he builds rather than after, providing the regulatory certainty the industry has lacked. Clear statutes constrain government; ambiguity feeds it. A regulator bound by written text has less power than a regulator holding a blank check marked enforcement discretion, and every administrative lawyer in Washington knows which one the agencies prefer.




Senator Paul’s specific worries deserve a hearing rather than a caricature. The surveillance and illicit finance provisions still being negotiated in this bill — including how much transaction data Treasury can access, the scope of anti-money laundering and sanctions compliance requirements imposed on crypto intermediaries, and where the line sits between law enforcement capability and individual privacy — are worth fighting over line by line. His voice in that fight makes the text better, as it has before. Fight the amendments. Force the roll calls. Make colleagues defend every inch of government reach in the bill. But be clear about what a no on the framework itself accomplishes: Nothing in the administrative state shrinks. The agencies keep their discretion, the enforcement lottery keeps running, and the federal government’s practical power over this technology stays at its maximum — exercised through the least reviewable channel available.

There is also the older question, the one that decides whether a country gets new industries at all. What major American innovation, from the telephone to the automobile to the internet, would have survived a requirement that it prove its benefits to a federal agency before being allowed to exist? Permissionless innovation is not a slogan. It is the actual mechanism by which this country became rich, and the CLARITY Act moves digital assets toward it: known rules, private building, enabled by regulators bound to clear authorities. Americans do not need Washington choosing financial technologies. They need a Washington bound by law, while builders, investors, and community banks across the country decide for themselves what to offer their customers.


Rules over discretion. Written law over regulatory mood. Permission for the citizen, constraint for the state. These principles used to be the whole point of conservative constitutionalism, and on September 15, they all point in the same direction. The most libertarian vote available is in favor of the framework as currently drafted, followed by a long, loud, welcome fight over every amendment after it.

J.W. Verret is a professor of banking and securities law at George Mason University's Antonin Scalia Law School and served as chief economist of the U.S. House Financial Services Committee.
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