The Corner

Elections

Trump and the Latino Vote

Trump would not have to change his policies to capture 40 to 50 percent of the Latino vote (which is quite different from “Latino” spokespeople on television and the Jorge Ramos crowd), as opposed to simply articulating them:

1) The “new” Democratic party not only show signs of a new more insidious anti-Semitism. But as we’ve seen from comments by Senator Feinstein, Harris, and Hirono, and the surreal and barbarous statements coming out of Virginia and New York on third-trimester abortion (and near infanticide), it is now becoming anti-Catholic to a degree not seen in decades in America. Why would a devout Catholic wish to side with such bigotry? Trump is on the right side of the abortion and the religious-discrimination issues.

2) Hispanic unemployment is at record low levels in a growing economy. One can see the realities by simply driving around small towns in Central California where the flurry of activity and demand for labor are unprecedented, and workers have a range of options and leverage not seen in the 21st century. Even slight decreases in border crossings are force multipliers in the empowerment of Mexican-American and other Hispanic citizens in efforts to boost wages and gain options in employment. Trump’s policies did much of that, visible even in highly regulated and less dynamic California. Few middle-class commuters wish to endorse the New Green Deal that would mandate soon ending chain saws, leaf blowers and the workers’ daily commute.

3) Open borders falls most heavily on the Latino communities. Schools cannot easily offer advanced placement and competitive courses when huge influxes of non-citizens without English facility enroll in mass. Social services become swamped with thousands of arrivals from impoverished Central America and southern Mexico that impair the quality of attention for U.S. citizens. Gangs do not go to Palos Verdes, Carmel, or Atherton to bully teens, but target Latinos who do not speak Spanish or speak it poorly and are accused of acting “white.” For all the talk of the new demography and tribal solidarity, most U.S. citizens of Latino descent are, like all Americans, terrified of gangs, and they suffer inordinately from identity theft and grow irate when hit by drivers who leave the scene of the accident, given that the downside of illegal immigration falls more on those who often live closer to illegal aliens. Unspoken but also alarming is that the new waves of illegal aliens are largely from Central America, and do commensurately resonate Latino solidarity within Mexican-American communities who see sanctuary cities as green-lighting crime so often aimed at themselves.

It is surreal how Republicans have allowed an open-borders, boutique-green, static- and regulated-economy, anti-Catholic, pro-radical-abortion party to pose as the friend of Hispanic-American voters.

NRO contributor Victor Davis Hanson is the Martin and Illie Anderson Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and the author, most recently, of The Case for Trump.

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