Magazine | August 12, 2019, Issue

The Week

(Roman Genn / This image has been altered from the original. )

• Robert Mueller seems as tired of talking about the Mueller report as the rest of us.

• Democrats were hoping that Robert Mueller’s House testimony would somehow catalyze anti-Trump sentiment in a way his 450-page report didn’t. But Mueller refused to go beyond the four corners of the report and was laconic to a fault, in addition to often not being able to hear questions. Rarely has made-for-TV drama been such bad TV. The impeachment drive continues to stall out.

• Donald Trump will never be accused of aiming before he fires. He tweeted that members of the so-called Squad — the group of Democratic congresswomen that consists of Ilhan Omar, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ayanna Pressley, and Rashida Tlaib — should go home and fix the countries they came from. Yet only one of them, Omar, is an immigrant, and she is a naturalized citizen. We obviously hold no brief for Omar, who is a poisonous ingrate, but telling her to go back to Somalia is a bar-stool taunt unworthy of the office of the presidency. At a rally in the midst of the controversy, Trump supporters chanted, “Send her back.” The next day Trump distanced himself from the noxious chant, although he quickly muddied his position. There are about 1,000 legitimate critiques that can be made of Omar — the president, and his rally-goers, should stick with any of those.

• Before President Trump got involved, the conflict between Nancy Pelosi and Representative Ocasio-Cortez et al. was reaching a boil. Pelosi noted that the Squad had mustered only four votes in an immigration controversy, and Ocasio-Cortez sniped back that Pelosi had shown a pattern of disrespect for brown and black women. Pelosi seems to have substantial support from her troops, which is doubtless why she is criticizing the Squad in the first place: Democrats won their majority in a lot of moderate districts that did not vote to empower Ilhan Omar. The Congressional Black Caucus has sided strongly with Pelosi. Trump may have diverted the media from the Democratic infighting, but you can bet nobody involved is forgetting anything that has been said.

• Omar has adopted a new tactic in her anti-Semitic campaign against Israel. She’s casting her support for the “Boycott, Divest, and Sanction” movement (BDS) as support for free speech. Along with Rashida Tlaib and John L. Lewis, she introduced a resolution in the House that purports simply to reaffirm the right of citizens to boycott. What she really wanted, though, as she made clear in an interview, was to give herself the opportunity to discuss why she supports BDS. Omar is wrong about the law, and she’s misleading about BDS. Yes, individuals have the right to boycott companies, even if the boycott is motivated by malice, but educational institutions and corporations that adopt BDS policies will run afoul of laws prohibiting discrimination on the basis of national origin. Subjecting Israeli individuals to sanctions simply because they’re Israeli is often illegal. Moreover, Omar whitewashes BDS’s true intent — the destruction of Israel as a Jewish state. Multiple BDS supporters have made that clear, and to accomplish their aim, they hold Israel to a standard to which they hold no other country.

• Bernie Sanders, the Brooklyn socialist who represents Vermont in the Senate, is in a rage because some of his staffers have taken complaints about their pay and working conditions to the press. And he is right to be embarrassed: Senator Sanders has vowed to pay his staffers $15 an hour, but he pays them on a 40-hour-per-week annual basis rather than a truly hourly one, meaning that those who work more than 40 hours a week — and who doesn’t on a presidential campaign, other than Joe Biden? — end up earning less than the promised $15 an hour. No overtime, senator? No. In response to the criticism, Senator Sanders has implicitly vindicated a generation’s worth of conservative criticism of inflated minimum wages by cutting his employees’ hours. As it turns out, when you raise the price of something, the market will want less of it — even when the market is the internal economy of the Grumpy Muppet 2020 campaign. Sanders’s outrage at his employees’ complaining publicly about their hours being cut — and about his effectively abrogating the promised terms of employment — offers a peak into the progressive soul: Do as you’re told, accept what you’re given, and never go outside the chain of command with your opinions, lest you “damage the integrity of these efforts,” as Comrade Bernie put it. 

• Leana Wen, who was president of Planned Parenthood for about five minutes, was pushed out for believing its press releases. For years, Planned Parenthood has portrayed itself as merely a health-care organization that happens to perform abortions (about a third of all abortions in the country, actually). Wen tried to run Planned Parenthood as though the spin were true, and it ended badly. “We worked to change the perception that Planned Parenthood was just a progressive political entity and show that it was first and foremost a mainstream health care organization,” Wen wrote in the New York Times, by way of explaining her ouster. The insistence that abortion is health care and that Planned Parenthood cares about it only incidentally was always a lie, one that the group should have even more trouble maintaining now that it fired a president over it.

• Parts of the Trump administration’s Protect Life rule have gone into effect, prohibiting recipients of Title X family-planning funds from performing abortions or referring for abortions. Planned Parenthood, the largest abortion provider in the U.S., has refused to comply with the policy and as a result will lose about $60 million in federal funding. It is the largest reduction in the group’s subsidies since it first began to receive federal funding several decades ago. Though more of Planned Parenthood’s funding comes from Medicaid reimbursements than from Title X, this is a welcome step toward greater respect for the conscience rights of pro-life Americans, who shouldn’t be required to underwrite abortion providers.

• The State of Washington is drafting churches into its abortion regime. It enacted a law requiring all health plans that cover maternity care to cover abortions as well, and that requirement can apply to churches. But one church has said no. Cedar Park Church has filed suit in federal court challenging the law, and in doing so it is not only defending the Constitution, it’s also highlighting the virtue of the pro-life movement. There are few institutions more comprehensively pro-life than Cedar Park Church. The church not only runs programs for single mothers and mentors foster families, it operates a summer camp for kids in the foster-care system. It also offers a unique service for families that want to adopt embryos created through in vitro fertilization. Cedar Park’s case will present an important constitutional test — can tolerance still thrive in America’s most pro-abortion states?

• The 14 most popular governors in the country are all Republicans, according to the latest data from Morning Consult. Each quarter, the group surveys 5,000 Americans daily about whether they are satisfied with their governor, and for the last three months, the 14 governors with the highest favorability ratings are GOP politicians. Charlie Baker of Massachusetts and Larry Hogan of Maryland lead the list, with nearly three-quarters of their voters approving of their job performance. Next year, eleven states will hold gubernatorial elections, seven of which are for seats currently held by Republican governors, three of whom made the Morning Consult top ten. This new survey is a promising sign for the GOP in 2020 at the state level.

• A new book about the Trump campaign and administration, American Carnage, included some criticisms of the president from Paul Ryan, former speaker of the House. He said, among other things, that Trump should set a better example, that he had come into office knowing little about government, and that Ryan and others had kept him from making big mistakes. Trump responded that Ryan was “weak, ineffective & stupid” and had “almost killed the Republican party.” Ryan provoked the outburst from Trump, but what Trump said about Ryan was false. Just another day at the office. 

• Senator Josh Hawley has taken aim at America’s bloated higher-ed industry. Bills he has introduced would make Pell grants available for vocational training — not just college — as well as require schools to shoulder half of the burden they impose on taxpayers when their ill-prepared former students default on student loans. One can debate the particulars of the bills, such as an odd provision that would try to prohibit schools from raising tuition to cover their new liability. But one cannot deny that the nation’s universities have gotten away with too much for too long at public expense, and need to be reined in.

• Senator Rand Paul (R., Ky.) became the major villain of a news cycle for insisting that additional spending to top up a fund for 9/11 first responders be offset with spending cuts elsewhere, and Senator Mike Lee (R., Utah) became a minor villain of the same cycle for suggesting that the fund might need better oversight. Lee brokered a compromise in which the program would be funded for about $10 billion over a decade rather than for 73 years, as originally planned. Emotional issues such as the plight of 9/11 responders bring out the worst in Congress. To Senator Lee’s concern, we know from experience that money appropriated to important and worthwhile programs — such as national defense — routinely is squandered through waste and abuse; we want tight oversight of the 9/11 fund not because we do not care about its beneficiaries but because we do. To Senator Paul’s concern, our government is deep in debt and going deeper every day. The senators were right to tap the brakes — eventually, they’ll have to stand on them.

• Trump announced a new asylum policy that is both commonsensical and legally dubious: In essence, those arriving at the southern border will be ineligible for asylum if they passed through at least one other country first, on the theory that they should have applied for asylum in that country instead. (There are nuances involving the precise countries involved and whether the migrants did, in fact, try to apply there.) This is commonsensical because, well, someone truly seeking refuge should flee to the first available safe place. But it’s not entirely clear the statute allows the Trump administration to establish this rule, and opponents are already trying to stop the measure in court. As is so often the case, the judicial branch is being asked to decide an important policy matter because Congress delegated too much power to the executive, used vague language in doing so, and failed to fix the law even when a border crisis made the problem obvious.

• A conference on “national conservatism” in Washington, D.C., attempted to lay out a new path for the Right. It won’t sound so new to readers of NR, given that the speakers included Chris DeMuth, J. D. Vance, Yuval Levin, and our current editor and his predecessor. The core ideas of the conference were that the concept of nationalism needs to be rehabilitated and that conservatives should not let libertarians set their economic agenda. The nationalists have not yet united themselves — Tucker Carlson and John Bolton presented very different ideas about foreign policy — let alone the country. Some of the lesser-known speakers were bumptious. Movements have their growing pains, and we will probably see whether this one is getting past its when we attend its next conference.

• The president held a social-media summit at the White House. He thankfully declined to extend invitations to the worst elements of his online following, though some unsavory actors — Seb Gorka, Jim Hoft — made the cut. The event had plenty of loose talk about the online censorship of conservatives by tech companies but otherwise was a useless spectacle. Such are the hazards of a president, and an electorate, with a smartphone addiction.

• Police in Tacoma, Wash., fatally shot a 69-year-old man who is alleged to have been throwing “incendiary objects” at an ICE facility. He belonged to the Puget Sound John Brown Gun Club, a local Antifa group, and had distributed a manifesto shortly before attacking the Northwest Detention Center. Surveillance video caught him approaching the center before dawn on a Saturday, holding what appeared to be an AR-15-style rifle, setting flares beneath a propane tank, igniting his car, and tossing Molotov cocktails. Police who arrived on the scene shot and killed him when he pointed his gun at them after ignoring their order to drop it. His political target may have been U.S. immigration policy, but, obviously, terrorists undermine their purported cause by generating sympathy for their victims. Antifa might want to revisit the history of the Weathermen in the 20th century. 

• In October, Cuyahoga and Summit counties will go to the U.S. district court for northern Ohio to sue drug companies for billions of dollars, citing the local health crisis resulting from a gross oversupply of addictive pain pills in recent years. Judge Dan Polster chose the two Cleveland-area counties to represent legal arguments made by a slew of plaintiffs. Spokesmen for drug manufacturers and distributors point the finger at doctors for over-prescribing and at pharmacies for over-dispensing. The case can be made that the offending doctors bear the primary responsibility for endangering lives and creating the crisis that is the national opioid epidemic, but it’s implausible for large companies to claim that the sharp spikes in their sale and distribution of pain pills never set off their alarms and caused them to suspect that they were enabling massive and dangerous abuse of prescription drugs. Accountability — 48 states have sued drug companies for their part in the opioid crisis — is overdue.

• According to news reports, Dan Coats may be on his way out as director of national intelligence, but everyone should be grateful for his latest move: to create the position of coordinator for election threats. The first such coordinator will be Shelby Pierson, a career intelligence official. She will be responsible for coordinating the U.S. response to threats against the security of our election process, against the Kremlin and other malign actors. Whatever he decides about Coats, the president should ensure that this defense of national sovereignty continues.

• Speaking of which, Michael Isikoff of Yahoo has just published an exhaustive report on a 2016 drama. The report begins, “In the summer of 2016, Russian intelligence agents secretly planted a fake report claiming that Democratic National Committee staffer Seth Rich was gunned down by a squad of assassins working for Hillary Clinton, giving rise to a notorious conspiracy theory that captivated conservative activists and was later promoted from inside President Trump’s White House.” One way to avoid falling for Kremlin’s dirty tricks is to forswear absurd credulity.

• Is the Trump administration backing out of its decision to place Chinese telecom company Huawei on a Commerce Department blacklist? After Trump met with Xi Jinping at the G-20 summit, he said that the two had struck a deal according to which American companies would “sell their equipment to Huawei” and China would agree to purchase more American agricultural products. Administration officials now say Huawei will not receive exemptions to buy products from American companies if doing so would jeopardize American security — a tougher policy, and a better one. Huawei operates as a national champion of the Chinese party-state, and allowing it to conduct business unfettered jeopardizes national security no matter how many soybeans are sold.

• The Tories have elected Boris Johnson as Britain’s next prime minister. Johnson won 66 percent of the vote, the largest proportion secured by any leader of a main political party since 2005. After speaking with the Tory leadership committee, meeting with the queen, and moving into No. 10 Downing Street, Johnson will begin the process of selecting his cabinet. The Johnson team has exactly 100 days to deliver his “do or die” promise to bring Britain out of the EU by October 31. Many challenges lie ahead. Given that there is no majority in Parliament for a no-deal Brexit, if the EU continues to be uncompromising, Johnson may be forced to hold an early general election. In his victory speech, Johnson reiterated his campaign slogan of delivering Brexit, uniting the country, and defeating Jeremy Corbyn. His party, and Britain, can only hope his self-confidence is justified. 

• The transformation of Turkey from a democracy into an Islamist state is the political equivalent of a slow-motion car crash. At the wheel is Recep Tayyip Erdogan, first as prime minister and latterly as president. Until now, Turkey has been the one and only Muslim country in NATO, responsible for the extensive frontier with Russia. In a political minuet, the United States sold Turkey the F-35, the most modern of stealth jets, and the Turks obtained from Russia the S-400 antiaircraft system. The F-35 and the S-400 happen to be incompatible, mutually exclusive. How could Erdogan have landed himself in this mess? Because, according to the grapevine, his air force was solidly hostile in the abortive coup of 2016, and he wants revenge.

• The 75th anniversary of the July bomb plot to kill Hitler commemorates a brave man, Claus von Stauffenberg. A colonel and a count, he was the moving spirit of the plot and the man who placed the bomb under the table Hitler was sitting at. “It is now time something was done,” he wrote, “but the man who has the courage to do something must do it in the knowledge that he will go down in German history as a traitor. If he does not do it, however, he will be a traitor to his own conscience.” After the bomb exploded, Stauffenberg returned to the Bendlerblock, the Berlin headquarters of the plotters, only to learn that Hitler had survived. A few hours later he and others were summarily shot in the courtyard. The building is now the Museum of the German Resistance. At an anniversary party there, Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, gave a speech warning about today’s extremists.

• Female estheticians in British Columbia haven’t heretofore been known as haters. Yet Jonathan/Jessica Yaniv, a man who identifies as a woman, has filed 16 human-rights complaints against them after they declined to wax his scrotum. Yaniv — who last year presented as male on multiple social-media sites, and who has taken unusual interest in adolescent girls (by, for example, proposing to hold a no-parents swimming event for topless twelve-year-olds) — insists that refusing to wax his male genitalia was an act of discrimination on the basis of his gender identity. The female estheticians see things differently. They include single moms and immigrants who object to handling his genitals on the grounds of religion, personal comfort, and ignorance — this is not a normal request in their field. Nevertheless, British Columbia’s Human Rights Tribunal held a hearing this week entertaining Yaniv’s demand. Might we have reached peak insanity? 

• The city of Berkeley, that trendsetter, has decided to clean up its language. It has purged its lawbooks of sex or, rather, of gender. No more will “manhole” be used. That will be a “maintenance hole.” No more will “sister” and “brother” be used. Those will be “siblings.” And “he” and “she” will be “they,” even if the reference is to one person. Well, to each their own (ugh). But English is such a beautiful, rich, protean language to render ugly and dumb.

• Kathy Zhu, until recently Miss Michigan, with sights set on the national crown, was stripped of her title when pageant officials discovered wrongthink on her social-media accounts. They referenced black-on-black crime, and in one post she reported having refused to try on a hijab. As of this writing, the Miss America pageant has yet to be canceled for its presumption of the gender binary.

• After Scarlett Johansson, the world’s highest-paid actress, said she ought to be able to play “any person, or any tree, or any animal,” the woke mob descended. Johansson ran into similar trouble earlier this year after accepting the role of a transgender man. Self-avowed LGBTQ+ activists — having overlooked the point of acting — were ostensibly outraged by this blatant attempt by a “cisgender” white woman of privilege to appropriate the experiences of trans people. The Hollywood A-lister reluctantly bowed out. And after similar backlash this time, Johansson pleaded with the mob that her remarks had been “edited for click bait” and “widely taken out of context.” She regretted any offense she might have caused. Mob 2, Johansson 0. 

• Great organizations with strong leaders often struggle with the problem of succession. So the news that Scott Walker will become the next president of Young America’s Foundation is welcome. The former Republican governor of Wisconsin will take over in 2021, following the retirement of Ron Robinson, whose tenure dates to 1977, when YAF had a worthy mission (defined by the Sharon Statement, drafted at the home of William F. Buckley Jr. in 1960) but also no income and a negative net worth. Today, its annual budget is $25 million, and its assets, which include the Reagan Ranch in California, top $70 million. Walker’s decision has political implications: He says he won’t run for governor again in 2022, as some conservatives had hoped he would. Yet it does mean that a key institution of the conservative movement will remain in good hands for years to come.

• Television, the great all-seeing eye, had taken us seemingly everywhere, from sitcoms to goal-line stands to riots to wars we were losing. But nothing it transmitted had ever been remotely like this: Grainy, muffled, unreally bright and dark, men in suits like old underwater divers’ were stepping, bouncing on the moon. They planted a stiff unflapping Old Glory; Neil Armstrong told us, and ages to come, his simple, stirring, note-perfect words. Ivan got the jump on us, but we beat him in the end, as we would beat him in the Cold War. Only a civilization addicted to frivolity and hectored by self-hating intellectuals — that is, ours — could have let the giant step go unfollowed so long or think so fleetingly of it now. But only a civilization capable of rewarding skill and science, teamwork and daring — also ours — could have done it. All honor to the astronauts, and to their thousands of planners and facilitators. And cheers to the next step. 

• An “influencer” before the term was ever coined, William Schulz somehow managed to avoid fame outside the charmed circle of distinguished conservative thinkers and writers whom he mentored and encouraged over the course of a long career in journalism, holding court at the Palm restaurant in Washington, D.C. The New York boy (Manhattan, Bronx Science), an alumnus of Antioch College, not exactly an incubator of conservatism, went to Connecticut to sign the Sharon Statement in 1960 and joined Young Americans for Freedom. With William F. Buckley Jr. and M. Stanton Evans, he helped cultivate the nascent conservative movement in America. He collaborated with editors of Human Events. He found his professional home at Reader’s Digest in the late 1960s and served as its Washington editor for decades, shaping the magazine’s reputation for reporting on the moral and political bankruptcy of Communism. In the 1990s, he performed a public service by dedicating pages to exposing the folly of Hillary Clinton’s plan for national health insurance. The hall of fame of literary and journalistic luminaries he coached includes Fred Barnes, Ralph Bennett, Jonah Goldberg, Robert Novak, and William E. Simon. Bill Schulz, éminence grise of American conservatism, has died, age 80. R.I.P.

• When President Gerald Ford nominated John Paul Stevens to the Supreme Court in 1975, the respected expert in antitrust law met with nods of approval from all sides. The Senate confirmed him three weeks later, 98–0. Americans back then took greater care than at other times in our history to refrain from politicizing the judiciary. Even so, the reception he enjoyed reflected his reputation for judicial integrity. Lo, a decade later, he was routinely described as a member of a liberal bloc of justices. By his retirement in 2010, he was its unofficial dean. In the course of his tenure, he had moved in a libertarian direction on free-speech questions. On the establishment clause, he argued that it was unconstitutional for the state to show favor for religion over atheism or secularity, or for life over abortion. He wrote the majority opinion in the Chevron case, which critics regard as an impediment to scaling back abuses of the administrative state. An alumnus of Northwestern and the University of Chicago, he was appointed to the federal bench in Chicago in 1970. Question his opinions; salute his character. Dead at 99. R.I.P.

THE MIDDLE EAST
Why Iran Wants to Get Bombed

Rarely has a foreign country seemed so eager to get bombed by the United States as Iran does right now.

In its latest provocation, Iran seized a British-flagged tanker in the Strait of Hormuz. It wasn’t a subtle operation. Revolutionary Guard forces rappelled onto the tanker from a helicopter, and if you have any doubt, it was all captured on videotape.

The act raised the stakes in the regime’s confrontation with the West. After the last round, when the Iranians shot down a U.S. drone, President Trump ordered a retaliatory strike that he abruptly canceled, citing his fears of disproportionate casualties. Our natural instinct would be to hit Iran hard for its depredations and to establish a deterrent against such attacks before they get worse. But in this case, Iran clearly wants to provoke a reaction, which suggests that the administration’s more cautious “rope-a-dope” approach may be the right one.

Skeptics doubted that the administration’s unilateral sanctions could truly bite after the nuclear deal opened Iran for business with Europe. They were wrong. The oil embargo and banking sanctions, imposed after Trump pulled out of the deal, have been cratering the Iranian economy. The regime’s aggressions are an attempt to find a way out of the economic punishment.

The mullahs hope to exploit daylight between the Europeans and the United States (although poking the British won’t advance that goal) and to send a message to the White House that its pressure campaign doesn’t come without costs. Tehran also has begun breaching nuclear limits imposed under the deal, another front in an effort to spook the West into rallying around the deal and convincing Trump to relent.

What to do now? The administration should obviously render whatever assistance the British may request. It should continue to send more forces into the region as a message of resolve, and to work with allies to better secure shipping in the Strait. It should ratchet up the pressure campaign against Tehran and revoke the remaining waivers that allow the Europeans to cooperate with Iran’s purportedly peaceful nuclear program.

It is quite possible that Iran considers its provocations a prelude to another nuclear negotiation. For his part, Trump continues to dangle the prospects of talks, even blessing diplomatic outreach by Senator Rand Paul. But the regime has a strong incentive to try to wait Trump out and hope the election of a pro-deal Democrat delivers what it wants without any more trouble. Perhaps the Iranians believe that Trump getting embroiled in a conflict advances that goal. Regardless, they obviously want to escape from the box that they are in, and Trump shouldn’t let them.

THE BUDGET
A Bipartisan Blowout

In an era of heightened partisan rancor, Republican and Democratic leaders in Washington still managed to come together in a spirit of bipartisanship this week to do that thing they do best — spend.

Party leaders in Congress and the Trump administration reached a tentative budget agreement on Monday to increase federal spending by $320 billion over two years — at a time when the federal government is already running a $1 trillion annual deficit in the midst of a booming economy. The deal would also suspend the debt ceiling until July 2021, six months after the next presidential inauguration. In other words, it would solve the immediate political problems facing Republicans and Democrats in Washington while making America’s long-term fiscal problems even worse.

The budget deal looks like the swamp at its swampiest. The Republican president is nevertheless selling it as a victory. He tweeted: “I am pleased to announce that a deal has been struck with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy — on a two-year Budget and Debt Ceiling, with no poison pills. . . . This was a real compromise in order to give another big victory to our Great Military and Vets!”

It is certainly true that the federal budget cannot be balanced on the back of our military. It is also true that we cannot rein in the debt and deficit merely by targeting domestic discretionary spending. Any serious plan to deal with the debt must deal with the main drivers of debt: entitlements. Brian Riedl of the Manhattan Institute, who recently crunched the latest numbers from the Congressional Budget Office, notes that spending on Medicare (including interest) in 2019 will exceed Medicare premiums and payroll taxes by $366 billion, with the deficit for Medicare alone jumping to $1.13 trillion in a decade.

And what does the Republican party have to say about this looming crisis? Not much at all. It was just eight short years ago that congressional Republicans almost unanimously — in a genuine act of political courage — voted in favor of Paul Ryan’s sensible plan to reform Medicare for Americans under 55 in order to tackle the debt and avoid much more painful changes to Medicare that would be necessary during a debt crisis. Republicans held the House in 2012 but failed to unseat the incumbent Democrat in the White House. They continued to push for entitlement reform and took over the Senate in 2014. But in 2016 Trump won the nomination while promising not to touch Medicare and Social Security, and entitlement reform was a dead letter when he took office with unified Republican control of Congress. The president is now implausibly claiming he will look for big spending cuts during a second term, but his track record suggests he would do no such thing unless a crisis forced his hand.

And what does the other party have to offer? Elizabeth Warren has a plan to spend $1.25 trillion to cancel most student debt and make college “free.” Beto O’Rourke released a $5 trillion plan to accomplish half of the Green New Deal’s main goal. Bernie Sanders’s Medicare for All plan would cost $30 to $40 trillion, and Kamala Harris absurdly claims it can be implemented without raising middle-class taxes, indeed while cutting them.

Margaret Thatcher famously observed that the problem with socialism is that you eventually run out of other people’s money. She might add today that it’s also the problem with Republicans and Democrats.

NR Editors includes members of the editorial staff of the National Review magazine and website.

In This Issue

The American Worker

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