Race, class, and gender were the liberal mantras of the last thirty years, as if there were enough victim categories to go around for us all. But we are witnessing a Democratic explosion of the solidarity of these statuses, in which black voters chose Obama at majorities reaching 90 percent, while 65 percent of whites voted for Hillary.

Note that the attack on Hillary in the liberal media and in the Democratic party has slurred her as playing on the victim status of her marriage to a philanderer, her shrewish character, and her shrillness—all the supposed sexual stereotypes that we were supposed to avoid. Finally we come to class, where the voters of Kentucky, Indiana, Pennsylvania and West Virginia are condescendingly caricatured as some sort of aboriginal species, who, in fear of Obama’s race and charisma, cling to their whiteness.

In short, we have witnessed the biggest assault on the rubrics of race, class, and gender in recent memory. This is not just ironic, given the bumper-sticker identifications we have suffered through the last few decades, but, in fact, the logical dividend of elites seeing the world through these exclusionary prisms.

The only difference now is that RCG industry is no longer fancifully seen as united and synonymous in its struggle against rich, white Christian heterosexual male capitalists, but at each other’s throat—and so the Democrats have had by needs to deconstruct them into pecking-order categories of descending importance: race trumps all (Obama), then gender (Hillary), with class concerns lagging behind (white working class).